Chief Justice Martha Koome addressing during the Selection Panel for the Recruitment of Nominees for Appointment as the Chairperson and Members of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) swearing-in at the Supreme Court in Nairobi on January 31, 2025. [Boniface Okendo, Standard]
The Supreme Court has dismissed an appeal by the Senate challenging the constitutionality of 21 Acts passed by the National Assembly without the Senate’s input.
On Friday, the court upheld 21 out of 23 Acts that were disputed by the Senate. The court termed the 21 Acts as constitutional.
Justice Martha Koome, Philomena Mwilu, Mohamed Ibrahim, Smokin Wanjala, Njoki Ndungu, Issac Lenaola, and William Ouko said that the National Assembly did not require consideration and enactment by the Senate to pass the laws.
The Supreme Court ruled that all the eight statutes under the Supplementary Appropriations Act, Tax Law, and Finance Act were like money bills, which did not require the Senate’s involvement in their enactment.
“We uphold the following findings by the Court of Appeal, that the under listed Acts passed by the National Assembly did not require consideration and enactment by the Senate and hence are constitutional,” said Justice Koome.
However, the Apex Court said that the Parliament should have involved the Senate in the enactment of sections 3 and 4 of the Kenya Medical Supplies Authority (KEMSA) Act, Equalisation Fund Appropriation Act, No. 3 of 2018, and the Sacco Societies Amendment Act 2018.
The top judges said that the three Acts passed by the National Assembly are in contravention of Articles 96, 109, 110, 111, 112, and 113 of the Constitution and are therefore unconstitutional, thus null and void.
The Senate, Speaker of the Senate, Senate Majority Leader, and minority leaders filed an appeal against the National Assembly and Speaker of the National Assembly seeking an interpretation of Article 110(3) of the Constitution, which requires the speakers of both houses to jointly determine whether a bill concerns county government.
The Senate said that during the 12th Parliament, the National Assembly curtailed its legislative role and passed several bills, which were subsequently enacted into law, without the participation of the Senate contrary to the Constitution.
The Senate also accused Parliament of declining to consider several bills originating from the Senate, claiming they were money bills that ought to originate in the National Assembly. By Joackim Bwana, The Standard
The Senate said that Parliament consistently and unilaterally passed legislation that ought to have been considered by both Houses of Parliament.
They asserted that the said bills were signed into law by the President despite the absence of a certificate from both Speakers to the effect that the procedure under Articles 109-115 of the Constitution had been complied with.
The Senate sought a declaration that any bill or delegated legislation that provides for the mandate of the Parliamentary Service Commission must be considered by the Senate.
The Apex Court said the enactment of amendments to Sections 3 and 4 of the KEMSA Act in line with the dictates of Article 110 of the Constitution affects the functions and powers assigned to counties.
“Accordingly, we agree with the findings by the Court of Appeal that the purchase of drugs and medical supplies from KEMSA was a matter that required the participation of the Senate,” said Justice Koome.
The judges also held that the exclusion of the Senate from consideration and enactment of the Equalisation Fund Appropriation Act, No. 3 of 2018, was unconstitutional.
Koome said that Article 202(8) explicitly requires that any legislation under Article 204(7) seeking to extend the fund’s lifespan beyond 20 years must be supported by more than half of all members in the National Assembly and the Senate.
The court further said the Sacco Societies Amendment Act 2018 was invalid but suspended the invalidity for 18 months to allow Parliament to
The judges said Sacco falls within the category of a cooperative society and consequently falls within the functions and powers of counties as signalled in Clause 7(e) of Part 2, Fourth Schedule.
The Uganda People’s Defence Forces Chief of Defense Forces (CDF) and first son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, on Saturday night revealed on his X (formerly Twitter) handle that he is tired of killing South Sudan’s Nuer tribesmen.
In subsequent posts in the wee hours of Sunday, he wrote that Nuer should surrender before they (UPDF) wipe them out, and that if Nuer elders are wise enough to give him 1,000 cows, he will stop attacking them.
“I am tired of killing Nuer. Tell your leader Riek Machar to come and kneel down before ‘our’ President H.E Salva Kiir,” Kainerugaba wrote. “Dr. Riek Machar is going to kneel down in front of Afande Salva. I will help him with that. I want the stupid fighting to end. Our people do not have to die for this misunderstanding. I also want 1,000 cows from the Nuer.”
On 11 March, Gen. Kainerugaba wrote that Ugandan troops are in South Sudan to protect President Salva Kiir and secure the capital, Juba.
Shortly before the disclosure to secure Juba, he wrote that the UPDF recognizes only Salva Kiir as the president of South Sudan and that any move against him is akin to a declaration of war against Uganda.
Known for his outbursts and controversial late-night and early-morning posts on X, the Ugandan president’s son has in the past often upset neighboring countries and created diplomatic spats.
In a controversial post in December last year, Gen. Kainerugaba said, “I’m going to give only ONE WARNING to ALL white mercenaries operating in eastern DRC. From 2nd January 2025, we will attack all mercenaries in our area of operations.”
He added: “In the name of Jesus Christ, the God of all Bachwezi, there shall not be left one white mercenary in DRC this time next year!”
The Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) reacted by summoning Uganda’s Acting Chargé d’Affaires in Kinshasa, Matata Twaha Magara, to seek clarification on the Ugandan government’s official position on the matter.
Relatedly, on 18 December 2024, Sudan demanded an official apology from the Government of Uganda for what it referred to as the offensive and dangerous comments published by the Ugandan Chief of Defense Forces on the X platform in which he threatened to seize Khartoum as soon as U.S. President-elect Donald Trump takes office.
In a statement issued by its foreign ministry, Sudan also called on the African Union and regional and international organizations to condemn these statements, and what they entail in terms of a clear threat to regional and international security and an insult to Africans.
Gen. Kainerugaba later deleted his controversial post, like many others.
According to the statement, the Sudanese foreign ministry considered the Ugandan army chief’s comments reckless and irresponsible and said, “They represent a complete departure from the rules of conduct of those occupying senior official and military positions, including prudence, discipline, and choice of words.”
“These comments embody an abnormal precedent and a regrettable level of disregard for international law, the norms of dealing between states, and the requirements of mutual respect between brotherly and friendly peoples,” the statement read in part. “The threat of war, the violation of the sovereignty of states, and the challenge to the Charter of the United Nations, the African Union, and the rules of international law are too dangerous to be a subject of trivialization, seeking the spotlight, and astonishment.”
Before that, Gen. Kaineruga threatened to invade Kenya and capture Nairobi within a few days. His father, President Museveni, would later apologize to Kenya.
The Ugandan Army Chief is no stranger to South Sudan and was severely in the country when the UPDF intervened after the war erupted in December 2013. At the time, the Ugandan foreign ministry said the UPDF came in to protect Juba International Airport and to ensure the evacuation of Ugandans and other nationals. However, the UPDF soon took on a larger mandate, including fighting rebels on the Juba-Bor Road and recapturing Bor Town between late December 2013 and early January 2014. Observers blamed the Ugandans for using cluster bombs against the rebels.
On Sunday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi ruled out direct negotiations with the United States, stating that talks would only be possible if key conditions changed.
"Engaging in talks with Washington is not an option unless certain matters shift," Araghchi stated.
He emphasized Iran’s focus on countering sanctions imposed by its adversaries, describing indirect negotiations as the preferred approach. "Our position on avoiding direct talks with the United States is based on past experiences, not stubbornness," he remarked.
On Thursday, the Iranian government confirmed it was reviewing a message from US President Donald Trump and would respond at the appropriate time and in a suitable manner.
US media reports previously revealed that Trump’s message to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei included a two-month deadline to reach a new nuclear agreement.
Khamenei dismissed the proposal, calling it a "deception" intended to mislead global public opinion.
Meanwhile, Araghchi noted that alongside its threats, Trump’s message also contained several "opportunities." Shafaq News
President William during the AIC Fellowship Annex 8th Anniversary thanksgiving service in Kesses Constituency, Uasin Gishu County, on March 9, 2025. [File, Standard]
In the wake of President William Ruto’s latest reshuffle, which saw ODM leader Raila Odinga’s political acolytes make more gains in government, it is becoming clear he intends to keep changing to suit the moment.
But it is not him changing. Rather, he is making those who work with or under him anticipate change all the time. They must always be prepared for redeployment, demotion or sacking. But the lucky ones may get promoted.
In just three years, Ruto has reshuffled his Cabinet thrice, dissolved it once and reorganised it four times. Two ambassadorial redeployments have also happened, with the latest Principal Secretaries’ reshuffle that saw his broad-based government devotee, Raila Odinga’s, allies included in various old and new dockets.
Sources hint that Ruto will, for the fifth time, be reshuffling his Cabinet by the end of this month where anti-government voices, such as Public Service and Human Capital Development Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi, will be shown the door. He will also be seeking to fill the gender docket that has remained without a CS since the dissolution of the Cabinet in July 11 last year.
Ruto’s surprise reorganisation of government has left many who enjoyed State resources and trappings of power exposed and in the cold, and their capabilities dented as Kenyans doubt whether they have been shown the door due to their inadequacies or poor performance.
In his recent reshuffle, former ICT Principal Secretary, Edward Kisiang’ani, infamous for repeated attempts at curtailing media freedoms, was sacked and reappointed as a member of President Ruto’s council of economic advisors. 14 persons were appointed PSs and six were moved.
Those appointed included former Nyeri Deputy Governor Caroline Karugu who was nominated as PS for East African Affairs, replacing Abdi Dubart. Karugu was part of the team that lead Raila’s flopped bid to be the Africa Union Commission’s chairperson. She served as Raila’s Deputy Chief Agent in the 2022 General Elections.
Boniface Makokha replaced James Muhati in the Economic Planning Department, with Regina Ombam taking over from Alfred K’Ombudo in Trade.
Those who were moved included Belio Kipsang’, who was transferred from Basic Education to Immigration and Citizen Services docket. He switched jobs with Julius Bitok. Former Kenya Medical Practitioners and Dentists Union Secretary General Ouma Oluga was nominated as PS for Medical Services in the Health ministry.
Others were Jane Imbunya (Public Service and Human Capital Development), Abdulrazak Shaukat (Science, Research and Innovation), Michael Lenasalon (Devolution) and Carren Achieng (Children Welfare Services).
On December 19 last year, Ruto made sweeping changes in his Cabinet that led to the removal of Margaret Nyambura and Andrew Karanja from key ministerial positions of ICT and Agriculture and Livestock Development respectively.
Nyambura was appointed as Kenya’s High Commissioner to Ghana, but she turned it down, while Karanja was nominated as Kenya’s Ambassador to Brazil.
Their positions were taken by former Kiambu Governor William Kabogo and former Nyeri Senator Mutahi Kagwe.
The Cabinet reshuffle also included a significant shake-up of State corporations and foreign service appointments.
Notable among these were Ndiritu Muriithi, who was named chairperson of the Kenya Revenue Authority board and Ababu Namwamba, who was appointed Permanent Representative to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Office in Nairobi (UNON).
In July 11 last year, at the height of Gen Z protests, President Ruto fired 12 CSs as he promised citizens that he would run a lean government following the withdrawal of the Finance Act 2024 that was among the key drivers of protests by the youths. He also announced sweeping austerity measures to curb wastage of public funds.
Before the country learnt that only 12 out of Ruto’s Cabinet would be dropped, he had dissolved his Cabinet and only left Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi and former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua in charge of all dockets.
Those fired included Aisha Jumwa (Gender) Eliud Owalo (ICT) Mithika Linturi (Agriculture) Njuguna Ndung’u (Treasury), Ezekiel Machogu (Education) Ababu Namwamba (Youth) Moses Kuria (Public Service) Susan Nakhumicha (Health) Florence Bore (Labour) Simon Chelugui (Co-operatives) Penina Malonza (EAC) and Zacharia Njeru (Water).
In Ruto’s first Cabinet reshuffle on October 4, 2023, some of his ministers who were prone to gaffes, gaudy and outrageous public utterances were taken to less visible dockets.
They included the moot Moses Kuria, who was moved from Trade to Public Service. Alfred Mutua was also transferred from Foreign and Diaspora Affairs to Tourism and Wildlife.
Alice Wahome, who had been in the news after she clashed with her Principal Secretary, was removed from the Ministry of Water and Irrigation to Lands, Public Works, Housing and Urban Development.
At the same time, eight Principal Secretaries were affected by the new changes. Among those who were shuffled were Dr Paul Ronoh, who is now in charge of Crops and Development, Veronica Nduva (Performance and Delivery Management), Anne Wang’ombe (Gender and Affirmative Action), Idris Dokota (Department of Cabinet Affairs) and Shadrack Mwadime who took charge at the Labour and Skills Development ministry.
Julius Korir has been moved to Water and Irrigation while Harsama Kello is now in Asal and Regional Development. Geoffrey Kaituko will now head Shipping and Maritime Affairs.
With his ever changing Cabinet, Ruto seems to be seeking to impress Raila Odinga to form a political vehicle for his re-election. But this has seen him create a bloated government, a decision that goes against his very own assurance that he would operate on a lean government.
Gitile Naituli, a lecturer at Multi Media University, opines that the formation of the broad based government is not a political masterstroke but a betrayal of the people. He argues that despite claims that the new formation was meant to foster national unity, it was only about self-preservation, political patronage, and entrenching a culture of elite deal-making at the expense of ordinary Kenyans.
“Kenya was promised a lean, efficient government. Instead, what we are witnessing is an expansion of government offices to accommodate political allies and neutralise opposition voices. This is not leadership. It is conmanship of the highest order,” Prof Naituli says.
He stresses that Ruto ascended to power on the promise of running a government that would be different and pledged to cut unnecessary spending, reduce wastage, and channel resources towards economic relief for struggling Kenyans but ended up doing the opposite.
“His administration constantly lectured the public on the importance of financial discipline, asking Kenyans to tighten their belts. Yet, after the Gen Z protests on July 19, 2024, which demanded accountability and real change, Ruto has chosen not to fix the governance failures that sparked the unrest. Instead, he has expanded government positions to accommodate political allies. This is a complete reversal of the pledges he made to the electorate. It exposes a dangerous pattern, one where campaign promises are mere words to win votes, not commitments to be honoured,” Naituli avers.
“While ordinary Kenyans endure relentless tax hikes, high inflation, and skyrocketing costs of living, the political elite are busy creating more government positions for their convenience. The Ruto administration preaches austerity and financial discipline yet engages in political excesses.”
On his part, Charles Ng’ang’a, a don at the Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT), says “Ruto’s actions indicate that he preaches water while drinking wine” warning that Kenyans will have to endure until 2027 when they will decide whether they will “vote along tribal lines or vote based on their conscience.
In the wake of President William Ruto’s latest reshuffle, which saw ODM leader Raila Odinga’s political acolytes make more gains in government, it is becoming clear he intends to keep changing to suit the moment.
But it is not him changing. Rather, he is making those who work with or under him anticipate change all the time. They must always be prepared for redeployment, demotion or sacking. But the lucky ones may get promoted. In just three years, Ruto has reshuffled his Cabinet thrice, dissolved it once and reorganised it four times.
Two ambassadorial redeployments have also happened, with the latest Principal Secretaries’ reshuffle that saw his broad-based government devotee, Raila Odinga’s, allies included in various old and new dockets.
Sources hint that Ruto will, for the fifth time, be reshuffling his Cabinet by the end of this month where anti-government voices, such as Public Service and Human Capital Development Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi, will be shown the door. He will also be seeking to fill the gender docket that has remained without a CS since the dissolution of the Cabinet in July 11 last year.
Ruto’s surprise reorganisation of government has left many who enjoyed State resources and trappings of power exposed and in the cold, and their capabilities dented as Kenyans doubt whether they have been shown the door due to their inadequacies or poor performance.
In his recent reshuffle, former ICT Principal Secretary, Edward Kisiang’ani, infamous for repeated attempts at curtailing media freedoms, was sacked and reappointed as a member of President Ruto’s council of economic advisors.
Those appointed included former Nyeri Deputy Governor Caroline Karugu who was nominated as PS for East African Affairs, replacing Abdi Dubart. Karugu was part of the team that lead Raila’s flopped bid to be the Africa Union Commission’s chairperson. She served as Raila’s Deputy Chief Agent in the 2022 General Elections.
Boniface Makokha replaced James Muhati in the Economic Planning Department, with Regina Ombam taking over from Alfred K’Ombudo in Trade.
Those who were moved included Belio Kipsang’, who was transferred from Basic Education to Immigration and Citizen Services docket. He switched jobs with Julius Bitok. Former Kenya Medical Practitioners and Dentists Union Secretary General Ouma Oluga was nominated as PS for Medical Services in the Health ministry.
Others were Jane Imbunya (Public Service and Human Capital Development), Abdulrazak Shaukat (Science, Research and Innovation), Michael Lenasalon (Devolution) and Carren Achieng (Children Welfare Services).
On December 19 last year, Ruto made sweeping changes in his Cabinet that led to the removal of Margaret Nyambura and Andrew Karanja from key ministerial positions of ICT and Agriculture and Livestock Development respectively.
Nyambura was appointed as Kenya’s High Commissioner to Ghana, but she turned it down, while Karanja was nominated as Kenya’s Ambassador to Brazil.
Their positions were taken by former Kiambu Governor William Kabogo and former Nyeri Senator Mutahi Kagwe.
The Cabinet reshuffle also included a significant shake-up of State corporations and foreign service appointments.
Notable among these were Ndiritu Muriithi, who was named chairperson of the Kenya Revenue Authority board and Ababu Namwamba, who was appointed Permanent Representative to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Office in Nairobi (UNON).
In July 11 last year, at the height of Gen Z protests, President Ruto fired 12 CSs as he promised citizens that he would run a lean government following the withdrawal of the Finance Act 2024 that was among the key drivers of protests by the youths. He also announced sweeping austerity measures to curb wastage of public funds.
Before the country learnt that only 12 out of Ruto’s Cabinet would be dropped, he had dissolved his Cabinet and only left Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi and former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua in charge of all dockets.
Those fired included Aisha Jumwa (Gender) Eliud Owalo (ICT) Mithika Linturi (Agriculture) Njuguna Ndung’u (Treasury), Ezekiel Machogu (Education) Ababu Namwamba (Youth) Moses Kuria (Public Service) Susan Nakhumicha (Health) Florence Bore (Labour) Simon Chelugui (Co-operatives) Penina Malonza (EAC) and Zacharia Njeru (Water).
In Ruto’s first Cabinet reshuffle on October 4, 2023, some of his ministers who were prone to gaffes, gaudy and outrageous public utterances were taken to less visible dockets.
They included the moot Moses Kuria, who was moved from Trade to Public Service. Alfred Mutua was also transferred from Foreign and Diaspora Affairs to Tourism and Wildlife.
Alice Wahome, who had been in the news after she clashed with her Principal Secretary, was removed from the Ministry of Water and Irrigation to Lands, Public Works, Housing and Urban Development.
At the same time, eight Principal Secretaries were affected by the new changes. Among those who were shuffled were Dr Paul Ronoh, who is now in charge of Crops and Development, Veronica Nduva (Performance and Delivery Management), Anne Wang’ombe (Gender and Affirmative Action), Idris Dokota (Department of Cabinet Affairs) and Shadrack Mwadime who took charge at the Labour and Skills Development ministry.
Julius Korir has been moved to Water and Irrigation while Harsama Kello is now in Asal and Regional Development. Geoffrey Kaituko will now head Shipping and Maritime Affairs.
With his ever changing Cabinet, Ruto seems to be seeking to impress Raila Odinga to form a political vehicle for his re-election. But this has seen him create a bloated government, a decision that goes against his very own assurance that he would operate on a lean government.
Gitile Naituli, a lecturer at Multi Media University, opines that the formation of the broad based government is not a political masterstroke but a betrayal of the people. He argues that despite claims that the new formation was meant to foster national unity, it was only about self-preservation, political patronage, and entrenching a culture of elite deal-making at the expense of ordinary Kenyans.
“Kenya was promised a lean, efficient government. Instead, what we are witnessing is an expansion of government offices to accommodate political allies and neutralise opposition voices. This is not leadership. It is conmanship of the highest order,” Prof Naituli says.
He stresses that Ruto ascended to power on the promise of running a government that would be different and pledged to cut unnecessary spending, reduce wastage, and channel resources towards economic relief for struggling Kenyans but ended up doing the opposite.
“His administration constantly lectured the public on the importance of financial discipline, asking Kenyans to tighten their belts. Yet, after the Gen Z protests on July 19, 2024, which demanded accountability and real change, Ruto has chosen not to fix the governance failures that sparked the unrest. Instead, he has expanded government positions to accommodate political allies. This is a complete reversal of the pledges he made to the electorate. It exposes a dangerous pattern, one where campaign promises are mere words to win votes, not commitments to be honoured,” Naituli avers.
“While ordinary Kenyans endure relentless tax hikes, high inflation, and skyrocketing costs of living, the political elite are busy creating more government positions for their convenience. The Ruto administration preaches austerity and financial discipline yet engages in political excesses.”
On his part, Charles Ng’ang’a, a don at the Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT), says “Ruto’s actions indicate that he preaches water while drinking wine” warning that Kenyans will have to endure until 2027 when they will decide whether they will “vote along tribal lines or vote based on their conscience. Ndungu Gachane, The Standard
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