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  • The government has expressed its commitment to securing financial and technical support from China to drive priority projects in areas such as industrialisation, trade, digital transformation, green development and rural revitalisation.

Dar es Salaam. Tanzania is poised to harness the significant opportunities arising from the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Beijing Action Plan (2025-2027) to boost its economy and accelerate progress towards its Vision 2050 development goals.

As one of the key African participants in the FOCAC summit held in Beijing earlier this month, Tanzania’s government has expressed a commitment to securing financial and technical support from China to drive several priority projects.

These projects align with the FOCAC focus areas, including industrialisation, trade, digital transformation, green development, and rural revitalisation.

Experts have said Chinese President Xi Jinping’s pledge of 360 billion yuan (over Sh138 trillion) in financial assistance to African countries over the next three years presents a timely lifeline for Tanzania. 

Through a mix of credit lines, fresh investments, and capacity-building initiatives, Tanzania has a unique opportunity to advance key sectors and address challenges such as unemployment, poverty, and infrastructure deficits.

For this transformation to materialise, Tanzania has signalled its intention to leverage China’s expertise, especially in areas where China has excelled, such as poverty eradication and industrial development.

The Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Ambassador Samwel Shelukindo, emphasised that Tanzania will submit several well-prepared projects for consideration under the FOCAC framework.

“We have identified priority projects that have already undergone evaluation and feasibility studies, allowing us to shorten the time needed to secure funding,” he said during a meeting with Permanent Secretaries from 12 ministries on September 20, 2024.

One of the priority areas is industrialisation, where Tanzania seeks to strengthen its local manufacturing and value chains.

According to Ambassador Shelukindo, attracting Chinese investment into industrial parks and expanding local processing of minerals will be critical to boosting exports and creating jobs.

Another significant focus for Tanzania is its ambition to become a digital economy hub. Experts say this vision is well-aligned with the FOCAC initiatives, particularly China’s support for industrial cooperation and technology transfer. 

An economic expert from the University of Dodoma, Mr Geofrey Macha, believes Tanzania’s digital transformation can benefit significantly from the FOCAC framework.

"For Tanzania to transform into a digital economy, as outlined in Vision 2050, it needs to leverage partnerships like FOCAC. China’s experience in becoming a global technology leader can help accelerate our progress," Mr Macha said.

Mr Macha added that accessing the promised funds will require Tanzania to submit proposals that align with China’s vision for Africa.

“China will provide funding based on strategic projects, so Tanzania must ensure its proposals meet the criteria for industrial cooperation, digital innovation, and green development,” he said.

Seizing opportunities in trade and agriculture

Tanzania’s long-standing relationship with China provides an edge in trade, and the FOCAC resolutions offer the potential to open more doors for Tanzanian products in the Chinese market.

According to Chinese Ambassador to Tanzania, Chen Mingjian, President Xi Jinping’s commitment to making Tanzania a “demonstration zone” for China-Africa high-quality cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative highlights Tanzania’s strategic importance. 

"Tanzania has always actively participated in FOCAC activities and supported its development. The cooperation between our countries has deepened, and we stand ready to support Tanzania in achieving its economic and development goals," Ambassador Chen said.

Agriculture is also a key area where FOCAC initiatives can help Tanzania. With China’s focus on rural revitalisation and green development, Tanzania is well-positioned to improve agricultural productivity and access international markets.

To fully benefit from FOCAC, experts emphasise the need for a well-coordinated national strategy that aligns with both Tanzania’s vision and the FOCAC focus areas.

Executive Director of REPOA, Dr Donald Mmari, stressed: "This is a great opportunity for countries like Tanzania. However, without a clear strategy, it will be difficult to realise the benefits of the FOCAC plan.”

He pointed out that Tanzania has a strong relationship with China, and with the right strategic focus, it could emerge as one of the top beneficiaries of the FOCAC initiatives.

“Tanzania’s development agenda, especially in industrialisation, digital transformation, and green development, fits well within the FOCAC framework,” he said.

As Tanzania moves to submit its priority projects for funding, reports have it that the Ministry of Finance has been tasked with providing guidelines to ensure the proposals are ready for implementation. 

By fast-tracking project submissions and prioritising initiatives that align with FOCAC’s goals, Tanzania hopes to secure early funding to boost its economic growth.

Ambassador Shelukindo emphasised that beyond securing funding, Tanzania will also target increasing its exports to China and will work closely with the private sector to identify investment opportunities.

“We will engage Chinese companies and promote Tanzanian products that meet required standards for export to China, benefiting our local industries and farmers,” he said. By Jacob Mosenda, Citizen

Despite this, Netanyahu’s recent statements seem to reflect a dangerous optimism about the potential for deradicalizing the Muslim enemy in our midst, specifically, the Arabs in Gaza. While his intentions are undoubtedly rooted in a desire for peace and coexistence, his approach appears increasingly disconnected from the harsh realities on the ground and more focused on appeasing the Western world.

Former President Donald Trump recently stated that if elected, he will work towards deporting jihadi sympathizers from the United States. Trump believes that to keep America safe, he must deport jihadi sympathizers. Shouldn’t Israel work on deporting terrorists, and those supporting and advocating for the annihilation of the state as well?

The idea that radical elements within an enemy Muslim population can be reformed or deradicalized is a dangerous delusion. Netanyahu’s statements suggesting that peaceful coexistence with a de-Nazified Muslim population is feasible seem to ignore a painful historical and contemporary reality.

The Muslim Mufti of Jerusalem—Haj Amin al-Husseini—in the 1930s and 1940s met with Adolf Hitler and partnered with the Nazis in a bid to annihilate Jews, showcasing the deep-rooted antisemitic currents that run through some segments of Muslim ideology. And that has nothing to do with the establishment of modern-day Israel, Jewish settlements, or Jews living in their ancestral and biblical lands in Judea and Samaria.

The concept of Palestinian national identity offers no real potential for deradicalization. As spoken about by former Soviet Union intelligence officers, the Palestinian national identity was invented by the Soviets in the 1960s as a tool to undermine the Jewish people and the destruction of the State of Israel. From a young age, Arab children in the Gaza Strip, as well as Judea and Samaria are taught in schools sponsored by the U.N. Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and encouraged by their parents to aspire to martyrdom by killing Jews.

The basis of the Palestinian national identity systematically erases all Jewish connection to our ancestral homeland. Jewish holy sites are reassigned as Muslim landmarks, denying any Jewish connection. It lacks any unique historical, cultural or archaeological significance of its own and instead focuses on denying and negating Jewish history and heritage. The ultimate aim of this identity is to destroy Israel and replace it. The ideology that underpins the Palestinian national identity is fundamentally opposed to the existence of Israel and is entirely based on the erasure and killing of the Jews.

This opposition is not merely a political stance, but a deeply ingrained theological conviction within Islamic jihadi thought. The existence of a Jewish state is seen as a direct challenge to the supposed supremacy of Islam. How does one go about “reform” if this is a cornerstone of both national and religious identity?

In contrast to the vision that Netanyahu seems to hold, the reality is that many of our enemies are educated from a young age to harbor deep-seated hostility towards Jews. While some recognize the freedom, equality and opportunities available in Israel to anyone of any faith, including Muslims, the majority remain entrenched in a worldview that sees the Jewish state as an existential threat that must be destroyed.

The data on growing radical Muslim populations in Western countries further illustrates the challenge. The woke culture and social pressure against radicalism in the West have had no effect on lowering the hate and rhetoric. Instead, the growth of the jihadi Muslim community in countries like the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany, has led to increased social tensions and security concerns. 

Lebanese-Christian American commentator Brigitte Gabriel has eloquently described the futility of dismissing radical elements within the Muslim community. She argues that even a minority of extremists, numbering in the hundreds of millions globally, poses a significant threat to the whole freedom-loving world. Her view underscores the challenge of addressing radical ideologies that are not confined to a small, isolated group but are widespread and deeply ingrained.

While Netanyahu’s intentions to present a hopeful narrative of deradicalization are surely well-intentioned, they are based on an unrealistic assessment of the situation. The ideological battle against radical jihadi Islam is not merely about changing minds but about confronting a worldview that sees the destruction of the Jewish state and developing a global caliphate under Sharia law to control all infidels as a religious imperative. This cannot be easily overcome by goodwill and diplomatic efforts alone.

Facing this reality requires respect for the impact of religious Islam on geopolitics, not ignoring it. A more practical approach is recognizing that the road to security and peace involves confronting radical ideologies head-on rather than relying on improbable dreams of reform. By Avi Abelow, JNS

Commanders of the armed group Codeco walk through Linga village on January 13, 2022, in Ituri province, northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Photo | File


In north-eastern Ituri province, CODECO militiamen killed 10 people, including nine minors. That was on Monday September 17. But this was neither new violence nor unexpected.

Read: Codeco militia kills 10 civilians in eastern Congo

In Djugu, a territory in Ituri Province, at least 32 civilians have been killed in the space of a week with everyone pointing a finger at the CODECO and Zaïre militias.

These have been two deadly militias in the north-east of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

But it is Codeco, more than the Zaïre group, that is more associated with atrocities including the beheading of civilians.

Its origin wasn’t always violent. In fact, its bloody crimes were only a recent addition to its spots. It originally started as an agricultural development cooperative, way back in the 1970s. 

Before this week, some 30 civilians had been killed in the various territories of Ituri since January. Codeco and the Ugandan Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) militant group, proscribed in Uganda and the DRC, are the biggest killers, far ahead of other armed groups.

Read: Children among 46 killed in attack in east DR Congo

So frequent have been their raids that Congolese authorities sometimes look helpless. Critics, however, say, the government must do more.

“We also want to call on the provincial authorities to get involved, because it’s not normal to see people dying and do nothing about it,” Dieudonné Lossa, Ituri’s civil society coordinator, said.

In Ituri, the government introduced a state of siege three years ago to tame the violence. It has had little impact on the militia, who dress like civilians, live among civilians and infiltrate them once they have committed acts of violence.

This form of guerrilla warfare as its modus operandi prevents the Congolese army, the FARDC, and the UN peacekeeping troops, Monusco, from waging real combat against the militiamen.

Behind the murderous activities of the Codeco militias is the race for gold. They battle for control of the mining areas in Ituri, pitying Codeco and Zaïre.

“We know that since time immemorial, even before the state of siege, certain armed bandits have been exploiting some mining areas illegally—because our objective is to cut off the supply lines,” said Lt Jules Ngongo, spokesman for the FARDC in Ituri.

Sometimes the Codeco militiamen clash with the rival Zaïre group, and sometimes there is a community conflict between the two groups: The Lendu, which the Codeco group claims to defend, against another, the Hema, which the Zaïre group claims to protect.

Since the state of siege was declared in Ituri in May 2021, military governor Johnny Luboya has always tried to influence Codeco to surrender. But it served to splinter the group into factions.

Several factions have surrendered to the Congolese army and the province’s military authorities.

Read: Surge in Codeco raids in DRC's Ituri worsen humanitarian crisis

In April 2023, 101 of them agreed to lay down their arms at the launch of the government’s disarmament, demobilisation, community rehabilitation and stabilisation programme (P-DDRCS) in Ituri, but the most radical remained in a position of permanent attack against civilians.

When the DRC, under the aegis of the East African leaders, launched the peace talks in Nairobi in 2022, Codeco took part in the dialogue.

To date, despite CODECO’s relentless atrocities against civilians, the Congolese government has not shown itself to be all that virulent in the face of the killings perpetrated by Codeco, however.

In fact, it has been rare for the subversive and bloody actions of these militiamen to elicit the same reaction in terms of a communiqué from the government.

Officials in Kinshasa have repeatedly denounced the activities of M23, which they consider the biggest threat to peace in eastern DRC, and because they believe M23 is also backed by Rwanda.

Moïse Nyarugabo, a political activist in the DRC, condemned this dual tendency on the part of the government: Some kind of lower energy in condemning the Codeco massacres while charging at M23By PATRICK ILUNGA, The East African

 Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi. [File, Standard]

Unending layers of secret deals by the Kenya Kwanza Government, and its management of dissent cast the nation into frightful Frankenstein situation. 

From the edible oils saga, to mysterious fertilisers experience, and now the Adani affair, the emerging picture is a portrait of an avaricious State, in the lap of a people whose philosophy of government and goals are at odds with the welfare of citizens.

In the portrait is an eating State that has defined self-service as its primary agenda. Underlying this self-service is quest for grotesque self-enrichment, no matter what it takes. There are no scruples, no holds barred, and no capacity for embarrassment, no matter what comes into limelight. The end justifies everything. 

The unfolding Adani saga at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) has all characteristics of disgrace. The Cabinet Secretary for Transport, Davis Chirchir, has recently been hard placed to speak to origins and character of this deal. A seemingly ill-reputed corporate wheeler-dealer entity has been given a multi-billion shilling contract, “to refurbish JKIA.” 

Appearing before Senate a few days ago, the CS hemmed and hawed. Chirchir chewed his tongue, where it was not tied in his mouth. He said things even he should find difficult to believe.  He concurrently knew everything and nothing about Adani and Kenya’s latest multi-billion state saga. This Adani affair is only the latest pointer to a State hostile to those who gave it life.

The William Ruto regime, in its first two years, is mirrored in Mary Shelley’s 1818 horrendous allegory of a creature that hates its maker. For two years, Kenyans have been shunted from the phantasmagoria to the fantastic. From the wild they have been taken to the nightmarish.    

The Kenya Kwanza State that we gave ourselves in 2022 conjures up proto-Kafkaesque images from 19th Century Gothic world. Strangers have scanned our eye irises for gain, in the full glare of State. We have been sold stones and donkey dung, in a State driven exercise. We have eaten millions of defective cooking oils, as State looks on. Our children wallow in a confused and hurriedly introduced education system. Nobody seems to know where its head is, or tail.  

The university system is collapsing, as State plays the flute. The software of the meeting point between advanced training and preliminary artisanal competence based training has not been defined. The university fees funding model is in a spin, courtesy of uneducated experiments by the ministry.

Public health insurance is in similar dire straits, as a factor of suspect State promptings. A sinister affordable housing saga has reached a Bermuda Triangle. It’s cast precariously in a bundle of opacity, gluttony and stasis. The triangle seems set to swallow it.   

Forced disappearances became order of the day for those who protest against State driven Bermuda of fiscal decadence, splurge, and creeping autocracy. We are abducted by balaclava wearing individuals. We are teargassed by inhumane police officers, even when we writhe on the ground, in pain; our limbs broken. We are disappeared. Our judges are intimidated and blackmailed with horror and terror, if they ask authorities to produce us before the courts.   

I am Victor Frankenstein. I created the sadism that torments us with astronomical cost of living, and squanders our taxes. I created the beast that beats us up in the streets, disappears us, dumps our cadavers in garbage quarries, while splurging our resources, when not auctioning us to foreigners. We are collectively in the horrific place in Mary Shelley’s Gothic allegory, Frankenstein.   

Mary’s Victor Frankenstein, a young scientist, creates “a human being” in his laboratory. He soon finds he has given life to a revolting monster. It hates him. It hates human beings. It vows revenge against him for creating it. Frankenstein refers to his sapient creation as “the beast, monster, thing,” et al.

I am one of the scientists who made this thing. Like Frankenstein, I am horrified by what I made. Once again, I abjure all affinity. 

Mercifully, this creature is in free fall. Internal public spats by the captains attest. These internecine quarrels are not to be framed as “William Ruto versus Rigathi Gachagua,” nor as “Gachagua versus Ichung’wa.” They should be seen as what they are.

The implosion of the Frankenstein thing. For a while, it will teargas us, abduct us, disappear us, and dump us. But it will not last forever. Even Adani will come to pass. Kenya will go on as a better place. Thanks to the spirit of the people, especially the youth. By Baraka Muluka, The Standard. Dr Muluka is a strategic communications adviser. www.barrackmuluka.co.ke

Uganda’s gripe with Tanzania at their common border never ends. Like it is with Kenya, Tanzania is often very moody about free trade and can be relied upon to block cargo and food trucks regularly. ILLUSTRATION | JOSEPH NYAGAH | NMG

The third anniversary of an East African crime passed by recently without anyone remarking on it. In early July 2021, eight Kenyans and a Ugandan arrested in Rwanda for hacking Equity Bank were handed eight-year jail terms and fined Rwf56 million (about $55,600 at that time).

The nine were part of a 12-man gang arrested in 2019 by the Rwandan Investigation Bureau (RIB), which included three Rwandan nationals.

They deserve what they got, but there was a sliver of good news in their crime — it was an impressive example of cross-country collaboration.

They are an unlikely example of what is beautiful about East Africa, and the contradictions of the region.

It is a violent region. War in South Sudan has sent nearly 1.5 million refugees fleeing to Uganda.

 

Read: Over 20 million people internally displaced in Horn of Africa: IOM

They have turned the northwestern Uganda town of Bweyale into a lively and flourishing South Sudanese social and business community. Somalis and Ethiopians have streamed to Kenya and Uganda.

Refugees from the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have streamed in large numbers to Tanzania, Uganda, and Rwanda. Burundi refugees fled in big numbers to Tanzania and Uganda.

The government in Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of backing the M23, the main rebel group of over 120, in eastern DRC, a charge Kigali denies.

President Felix Tshisekedi has threatened more than once to invade Rwanda. Rwanda has told him he is playing with fire.

Going by how things turned out the last time Rwanda felt menaced by DRC, which ended in a Kigali-backed rebel war that ousted long-time strongman Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997, Tshisekedi might do well to pack an extra bag should he make good on his threat.

For all the sabre rattling, no wall or fence has been built at the Rwanda-DRC border, which remains open. Pre-Covid, it was the busiest border in Africa, with nearly 100,000 people officially crossing daily.

One little secret about that is that a lot of people across in Goma on the DRC side, get their clean drinking water from the Rwanda side.

Until recently, it looked like there was no Ugandan milk or eggs Kenya saw that it didn’t ban. Uganda, of all things, was given to seizing Kenyan fish bound for DRC.

Tanzania went over the top, setting alight thousands of Kenyan – and Ugandan – chicks and chicken. In their numbers, Kenyan Subaru owners considered a menace for their high-speed drag races, chose the moment of the egg fight to link up with their comrades in Uganda for a Subaru fest.

Last year when Arsenal thrashed Premier League rivals Manchester United 3-1, wildly happy Kenyan fans thought there was only one way to celebrate: They headed to the eastern Ugandan former industrial city of Jinja to join a diehard group of Gunners who were having running battles with the Police that was trying to ruin the party.

Between 2019 and August 2022, Rwanda and Uganda had a border kerfuffle that kept their main crossing at Gatuna closed.

There were words exchanged, insults traded, and threats uttered. That didn’t stop RwandAir, which continued flights to Uganda and earned a tiny penny from it.

Uganda’s gripe with Tanzania at their common border never ends. Like it is with Kenya, Tanzania is often very moody about free trade and can be relied upon to block cargo and food trucks regularly.

If you arrived from Mars, you wouldn’t know electricity imports from Uganda are flowing in, and that a $5 billion pipeline is being built from Uganda’s fields to the Tanzanian port of Tanga, nearly 1,450 kilometres away.

Ugandan newspaper The Observer, recently published a story describing a swath of suburbs in Kampala as the “Little Horn of Africa”, because they are teeming with Eritreans and Ethiopians, with their restaurants, Orthodox churches, and all the works.

It called the suburb of Kisenyi “Little Somalia” because it is a haven for Somali migrants. Unlike South Africa, there is no xenophobia there.

That is not the Ugandan way, the country credited with easily the most progressive refugee policy in the world.

But they nevertheless have an unusual quarrel with the Ethiopians and Eritreans. An outspoken young man interviewed some time back in Kabalagala, the Eritrean epicentre in Uganda, said the problem was that the Eritrean girls don’t marry the local boys.

Hopefully, some clever Ugandan will explain to him that it is partly a demographic quirk.

Migrants are rarely many enough in a single place, that they can supply enough grooms and brides for both themselves and the host communities.

There is a curvy and comely Ugandan socialite called Gloria Bugie, who reportedly just broke the internet with her saucy social media photographs and video clips. Young East Africans are drooling over her.

A Ugandan blogger took to social media and claimed that because he had his finger on the region’s pulse like no other person, he could declare that East African men had finally agreed on one thing; that “Bugie was the one”. The audacity of it!

You have to love this family. It is nasty and wreaks havoc on its own. It is dysfunctional. They are not always very nice to others, but they just can’t keep away from each other and know how to make up.

They are a wonderful lot. The time one should be worried about East Africa is the day they stop fighting and burning each other’s chicks. By Charles Onyango-Obbo, The East African

Charles Onyango-Obbo is a journalist, writer, and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. 

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