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This Saturday, 30 August, marks the start of the 24th FAI World Rally Flying Championships in Ferrara, Italy, where the world's best pilot-navigator crews will compete in tough challenges combining aerial navigation, accuracy landing and precision timing, until Friday, 5 September 2025.

Organised by the Aero Club d'Italia and the Aero Club Ferrara, the Championships mark Italy's return as host nation after a 26-year break, the last event having been held in Ravenna in 1999.

A total of 17 nations will be represented, with 45 crews from Austria, Chile, China, Czechia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Slovakia, South Africa, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom challenging reigning champions Petr Jonáš and Marek Velát of Czechia for the Individual title, and France for the Team title.

Ralf Grunwald, President of the FAI General Aviation Commission (GAC), will officiate as International Chief Judge. Speaking ahead of the competition, he underlined the importance of the event: "The FAI World Championships are a unique opportunity to showcase the skill, accuracy, and teamwork that define Rally Flying. Competitions like this are an incentive for pilots of all ages to sharpen their abilities, and to demonstrate the high level of performance in our sport.

"I am delighted to see Ferrara welcoming the world's best crews, and I am confident this event will inspire future hosts and participants alike."

Seasoned Competition Director and former competitor Filippo Papale added: "The area surrounding Ferrara is ideal for hosting a World Rally Flying Championship, thanks to its central location in Europe and favorable flying conditions. With our experience in organising various events, including the Italian Rally Flying Championships, we look forward to welcoming pilots and spectators to what promises to be a world-class event.

According to Papale, it would be interesting to build on the experience gained from this international event to pursue new goals, such as further refining the regulations and developing new projects with the FAI Members, with a particular focus on involving them in the extraordinary experience of Rally Flying.

The Championships will feature daily competition flights from 1–4 September, with results available via GPS tracking and online updates.

What is Rally Flying?

Rally Flying is not simply a race against time. Success depends on expert cartography, navigational accuracy, aerial proficiency and split-second timing.

Each day, two-person crews receive an envelope - just minutes before take-off - containing clues and photographs that indicate turning points. The navigator must plot the track and declare a finish time, while the pilot endeavours to follow the route precisely and capture aerial photos along the way. Each flight also includes a landing task where accuracy is key.

Competition Schedule

  • 25-29 August: Practice days
  • 30 August: Opening ceremony
  • 31 August: General briefing
  • 1-4 September: Competition flights
  • 5 September: Closing ceremony
An Ethiopian passport holder’s annual residence permit issued by Lebanon. John Owens for VOA/Wikimedia Common

Migration is increasingly replacing the traditional, education-focused life paths that shaped previous generations in Ethiopia. In the past, becoming a civil servant after completing secondary and tertiary education was seen as both socially respected and economically rewarding.

Although access to education at all levels has expanded in recent decades, its value has diminished as many graduates struggle to find employment and decent livelihood opportunities. In Ethiopia, individuals under the age of 30 comprise approximately 70% of the total population, and the urban youth unemployment rate stood at around 25.3% as of 2022.

The consequences are often tragic.

Irregular migration involving overcrowded and unseaworthy boats is responsible for a rising number of deaths at sea. In the first six months of 2025 alone, more than 350 migrants lost their lives while attempting the crossing over the Gulf of Aden and Red Sea from the Horn of Africa. A tragic incident on 3 August claimed the lives of around 102 migrants, most of whom were Ethiopian.

I have been studying Ethiopian migration for more than a decade. In this article, I explore why many people choose irregular migration over legal pathways. I also consider what the Ethiopian government should be doing to manage the increasing number of young people choosing to leave the country for work.

Ethiopia serves as a country of origin, transit and destination for migrants. About 250,000 Ethiopians migrate annually

Given the human toll of irregular migration, more must be done to tackle its root causes.

Based on my research findings, creating decent job opportunities in the country is crucial, so that young people can see a future without the need to leave. At the same time, for those who do wish to migrate, legal pathways must be made more accessible, safer and more efficient.

Equally important is expanding these migration pathways beyond domestic work to include skilled and semi-skilled workers and sectors that typically employ male migrants in destination countries. Those sectors include construction, agriculture and driving.

The drivers

In the early and mid-2000s, young men could migrate legally to Gulf countries. Saudi Arabia was the preferred destination for jobs such as driving and security work. Ethiopia imposed a temporary ban on labour migration to the Gulf countries from late 2013 to early 2018 over reported abuses and deaths. During this period, many individuals migrated through irregular channels, and those patterns became entrenched over time.

The number of women migrants is increasing, however, now accounting for a third of migrants on these routes.

The driving causes of migration from Ethiopia have always been complex. Factors include limited job and livelihood opportunities, conflict and instability, high unemployment, pressure from family and peers, hopes for a better life abroad, and a sense of hopelessness about a decent future at home.

In some parts of the country, a culture of migration has taken root, with migration perceived as a quick and effective way to earn income and generate broader benefits for both migrants and their families. Within these communities, having a family member abroad is increasingly regarded as a symbol of social status.

Lack of opportunities is central. It is evidenced by high youth unemployment and scarcity of quality jobs. Rural povertyslow industrial development, and obstacles to starting businesses intensify the push factors.

Secondly, the ongoing conflict in the Amhara region and parts of Oromia, and escalating tensions in Tigray have created insecurity and disrupted livelihoods. This makes public services inaccessible and prompts many young people to migrate in search of safety and stability. Young people in conflict-affected regions face a stark reality: either join armed conflicts that seem never-ending or struggle to make a living.

Thirdly, rules set by government that allow Ethiopians to migrate legally have tightened. Standard requirements for applicants involve numerous documents and pre-departure training. The documents include ID cards, passports, educational qualifications, health certificates and a certification of competence. Some of these are not readily accessible for many aspiring migrants. The cost of a passport, for instance, is prohibitive for most. So instead, people are driven to irregular and often perilous migration options.

Legal migration offers limited opportunities. Existing bilateral agreements with Middle Eastern countries primarily cover domestic work, which largely absorbs women.

The routes

The route that has become common over the past decade involves crossing the Red Sea to reach Saudi Arabia through war-torn Yemen. Known as the eastern route, this path is one of the most dangerous, claiming the lives of many young men and women.

Since 2014, the International Organisation for Migration has recorded 76,524 migrant deaths worldwide. Of these, over 1,098 occurred by drowning at sea off Yemen along the eastern route. In 2021, the Ethiopian Central Statistics Service reported that over 51,000 Ethiopian migrants had gone missing after leaving the country in the previous five years.

Ethiopian migration from southern regions to South Africa – known as the southern route – is the second largest irregular migration corridor. The last is the northern route, towards Europe via Sudan, Libya and the Mediterranean Sea.

The answers

Now more than ever, Ethiopia needs to create greater economic opportunities at home. This can be done by expanding opportunities in the agriculture, industrial and service sectors. The government should also support skills training and entrepreneurship together with access to basic services in the countryside.

Secondly, legal pathways must be expanded. This can be done by establishing more bilateral labour agreements. Currently, Ethiopia has agreements with Saudi Arabia, UAE, Jordan, Lebanon and Kuwait. It is close to finalising one with Oman. But these agreements mostly cover domestic work.

In contrast, the Philippines has signed labour agreements with over 30 countries. These include several European countries and cover a broader range of opportunities.

Third, these agreements must expand the job opportunities that young people can apply for, for example, skilled and semi-skilled jobs in construction, retail and agriculture. This would offer young Ethiopians more diverse employment opportunities abroad.

Legal migration pathways should be streamlined, time-efficient, and accessible to the majority of aspiring migrants. Equally important is the need for targeted, tailored, and comprehensive awareness-raising initiatives at the household, school, and community levels to ensure informed decision-making around migration. The Conversation

New research from Aston University could transform how Uganda manages its biomass resources by providing community-level data instead of national averages.

Scientists at the Energy and Bioproducts Research Institute (EBRI) have created detailed maps of forest biomass supply and local energy demand. Their work highlights where demand exceeds availability, where supply is balanced, and where surpluses exist. This precision allows policymakers to focus on tree planting, fuel alternatives, or efficient stoves where they are most needed. 

Traditional methods rely on broad, aggregated national statistics. By contrast, Aston's team developed a real-time dashboard that tracks biomass, carbon stocks, and energy demand at the local scale, yielding more accurate assessments for each community.

EBRI researcher Dan Abudu presented the findings at a Kampala conference in July, noting: "Our approach has enabled us to recommend targeted interventions rather than relying on generalised, country-wide solutions. This kind of targeting can help avoid wasting money on interventions in areas that may not need them or are already managing well."

The analysis, he explained, could prevent unnecessary deforestation and cut the costs of energy crises, potentially saving millions of Uganda shillings over time.

The conference, co-organised with support from Aston's research impact fund, was hosted by Uganda's Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development and attracted international stakeholders to discuss bioenergy development across Africa. 

Following the event, the Aston team met with Uganda's Ministry of Energy and the East African Centre of Excellence for Renewable Energy and Efficiency (EACREEE), which invited them to contribute to its baseline strategy meeting on regional clean energy transitions.

Abudu added that the Stockholm Environmental Institute has also shown interest in their data models as it advises Uganda's government on clean cooking. The research complements Uganda's Parish Development Model by aligning forest and energy planning with grassroots priorities, ensuring resources and technologies are delivered where most effective. The Aston team hopes the approach will influence broader East African energy and forest management strategies. By Sophie Jenkins, Terra Daily

Emergent Decreeconianism Theory offers a conceptual lens for understanding the governance model currently unfolding in South Sudan. Over the course of two decades, it has become increasingly apparent that the practice of governance by executive decree has not only grown more frequent, but also supplanted the foundational role of institutions. Where decrees were once exceptional, they have now become routine—effectively transforming the decree itself into the main governing institution.

The term Decreeconianism is intentionally crafted, drawing on the connotations of Draconian rule, but emphasizing the centrality of executive orders. In this model, unilateral authority is paramount. The executive’s power expands while traditional checks and balances are systematically sidelined. The result is a governance structure that marginalizes democratic norms, decentralization, undermines agreements and institution-building, and essentially operates outside mechanisms meant to ensure accountability.

Decreeconianism represents a distinct phenomenon. Empirical evidence highlights the extent of this phenomenon. For instance, Wol Atak, an opposition figure and former government official, documented that President Salva Kiir issued 313 decrees under Article 101D of the Transitional Constitution (2011 as amended) between January and August 2025 alone. In 2023, 229 decrees were issued by November, the author being a beneficiary of Decree No. 229 of 2023. Such numbers underscore how the decree has become the primary, if not the only mechanism of governance in South Sudan.

This indicates a sustained and intensive reliance on unilateral executive orders. The government now operates through direct executive orders, with traditional institutions reduced to mere formalities.

A comprehensive, longitudinal study remains necessary to document the total number of presidential decrees since 2005 and to rigorously examine their cumulative effects on institutional integrity, democratic development, national progress, and interethnic relations.

Preliminary analysis suggests that Decreeconianism is fundamentally anti-systemic. It is characterized by opaque networks of influence, entrenched corruption, and a persistent lack of accountability. Those who benefit from the system are often instrumentalized and subsequently marginalized—serving first as enforcers and then as warnings to potential dissenters. Importantly, the practical outcomes of decree-based governance remain unproven.

There is little evidence to suggest that governance by decree has delivered positive outcomes. Notably, by 2013—only two years after independence—South Sudan had already acquired the status of a failed state, a designation that persists to this day. The prevalence of Decreeconianism appears to have exacerbated, rather than ameliorated these challenges.

Emergent Decreeconianism Theory remains a provisional but critical framework for analyzing and critiquing South Sudan’s evolving governance paradigm. It aims to stimulate further scholarly inquiry and debate about the country’s trajectory.

The writer, Rengo Gyew Rengo Jr, is a PhD student in Public Policy, Governance and Management at the Selinus University of Science and Literature, Italy; a member of the National Constitutional Review Commission (NCRC) of the Republic of South Sudan and a lecturer at the School of Public Service, University of Juba. (This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.).

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s and do not’ represent any of the institutions he is associated with. By Rengo Gyew Rengo Jr, Radio Tamazuj

Rwanda's Ministry of Foreign Affairs/MFA_Rwanda

In a recent report, HRW accused the M23 rebel movement — allegedly backed by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) — of killing scores of civilians, most of them Hutu, in the Binza area between late July and early August. 

The Rwandan government has rejected allegations by Human Rights Watch (HRW) and United Nations human rights bodies that its forces were complicit in the killing of civilians in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) conflict-hit Rutshuru Territory.

In a recent report, HRW accused the M23 rebel movement — allegedly backed by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) — of killing scores of civilians, most of them Hutu, in the Binza area between late July and early August. 

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the UN Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO) echoed HRW’s concerns, warning of serious violations of international law and urging accountability.

HRW said it interviewed survivors and witnesses who described killings, abductions and attacks in the area.

While acknowledging difficulties in independently verifying some accounts due to access and security restrictions, the rights body insisted credible evidence pointed to grave abuses.

Kigali, however, dismissed the claims as “baseless” and politically motivated.

In a statement Friday, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation said the allegations were “not the result of any credible investigation” but rather “hastily released through media leaks to entrench a predetermined narrative.”

“Human Rights Watch itself admits that it did not independently verify the alleged killings of Hutu civilians over a period of almost two weeks,” the ministry said, accusing the organization of a “long history of implausible claims against Rwanda.”

The government also questioned the timing of the report, noting it coincided with preparations for renewed peace talks and the implementation of the June 27, 2025 Washington Peace Agreement.

Rwanda reiterated its long-held position that the main source of insecurity in eastern DRC remains the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a militia with roots in the 1994 genocide.

Eastern DRC has endured decades of violence, with more than 120 armed groups active in the region.

The resurgence of the M23 insurgency in late 2021 has further strained relations between Kinshasa and Kigali.

The Congolese government accuses Rwanda of providing arms and direct military support to the rebels — allegations Rwanda has consistently denied.

The latest accusations come as regional and international mediators push for the full implementation of the Washington Peace Agreement and ongoing dialogue under the Doha process, both aimed at addressing grievances, demobilizing armed groups and stabilizing the volatile Great Lakes region.

Despite the heated exchanges, Rwanda says it remains committed to “a peaceful, secure and prosperous Great Lakes region” and has called for an independent investigation into the alleged killings in Binza. By Bruhan Makong, Capital News

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