By ABDI HALIM MUSA

Somaliland’s pursuit of international recognition is not just another bid for statehood. Unlike many self-determination movements, Somaliland’s claim to sovereignty is grounded in a distinctive blend of historical legitimacy, legal precedent, and proven governance. In an era where global stability often hinges on respecting both historical contexts and international law, acknowledging Somaliland’s unique situation is not only a matter of justice but also a strategic move toward fostering peace in the volatile Horn of Africa.

Historical Precedents and the Flawed Union On June 26, 1960, the British Somaliland protectorate achieved independence and was briefly recognized internationally as the State of Somaliland. Merely five days later, it voluntarily merged with the Trust Territory of Somalia (formerly Italian Somaliland) to establish the Somali Republic on July 1, 1960. While this union was meant to symbolize a Pan-Somali dream, it was fraught with serious legal and procedural flaws.

The Act of Union, which was supposed to formalize the merger, failed to meet essential international legal standards. It lacked proper ratification and procedural clarity. These legal deficiencies were starkly highlighted in a 1961 constitutional referendum where over 60% of voters in the north rejected the proposed constitution. This overwhelming dissent reflected deep-rooted discontent with the union, particularly among Somalilanders who felt marginalized by the new political arrangement.

The 1961 Coup Attempt: Northern Grievances on Display The dissatisfaction in Somaliland reached a critical point in December 1961, when a group of at least 24 British-trained junior officers launched a coup in an effort to restore Somaliland’s independence. Frustrated by the dominance of Italian-trained southern officers in the new
Somali military, these officers took control of strategic locations, including Radio Hargeisa, where they declared their intention to end the union.

Despite the coup’s swift suppression by loyalist forces, its legal aftermath proved significant. During the trial, a British judge acquitted the coup plotters, ruling that the union lacked a valid legal foundation. This judgment not only underscored the union’s shaky legal basis but also provided a crucial precedent supporting Somaliland’s argument that the merger with Somalia was never legitimate under either domestic or international law.

Legal Foundations for Somaliland’s Statehood Somaliland’s claim to independence is not merely political but is strongly anchored in international legal principles. The 1933 Montevideo Convention outlines four key criteria for statehood: 1. A Permanent Population: Somaliland has a stable and identifiable population, maintaining its
distinct cultural and social identity.

2. A Defined Territory: Its borders correspond with those established during the British colonial era, offering a clear territorial framework . Effective Government: Since its self-declared independence in 1991, Somaliland has built robust democratic institutions, ensuring peace and stability in contrast to the turbulence in
Somalia.

4. Capacity for International Relations: Despite lacking formal recognition, Somaliland engages n diplomacy, hosts international delegations, and maintains informal relations with various countries and organizations. The legal ambiguity surrounding the 1960 union further strengthens Somaliland’s case. The absence of a binding legal instrument to formalize the merger into the Somali Republic implies that Somaliland’s sovereignty was never lawfully dissolved. This argument is reinforced by the 1961 court ruling that essentially invalidated the union's legal framework.

More than a Secession: A Restoration of Sovereignty. What sets Somaliland apart from conventional secessionist movements is its quest to restore, rather than establish, sovereignty. While most separatist groups aim to break away from an existing, functional state, Somaliland's struggle is about reversing an ill-conceived and legally questionable union. It is not seeking to fracture a stable nation but to reclaim its rightful status as a sovereign state—a critical distinction that supports its legitimacy under international law.

Regional and Diplomatic Developments in recent years, geopolitical shifts have only bolstered Somaliland’s case for recognition. The region; strategic importance, including its control of key maritime routes in the Gulf of Aden, makes its stability a valuable asset. Somaliland's consistent engagement in regional dialogues—such as high-level meetings involving Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and discussions facilitated by Turkey—illustrates its potential as a reliable partner in regional
security.

Economically, Somaliland's stability could also unlock new opportunities for trade and development in the Horn of Africa. Its commitment to democracy, human rights, and effective governance presents a stark contrast to the ongoing chaos in Somalia. Recognizing Somaliland would enable it to contribute meaningfully to international institutions and participate in initiatives that promote security and development.

The Broader Implications of Recognition. Formal recognition of Somaliland would set an important legal precedent affirming the right of peoples to reclaim sovereignty when a union is founded on flawed legal grounds. This move could stabilize a historically volatile region by promoting a governance model based on legality, democracy, and respect for historical boundaries.

For the international community, welcoming Somaliland into the fold would also be a pragmatic step. It would introduce a stable and democratic entity into the international system—one with valuable insights into post-conflict reconstruction and state-building. Moreover, it could help reshape approaches to self-determination and state legitimacy in a way that aligns with both historical realities and contemporary geopolitical needs.

Conclusion: A Compelling Case for Justice and Stability. Somaliland’s journey is a powerful testament to resilience, legal legitimacy, and democratic governance. The union of 1960, marred by legal oversights, the 1961 coup attempt, and the subsequent legal ruling that highlighted the union’s invalidity, collectively present a strong
argument for Somaliland’s sovereignty.

By recognizing Somaliland, the international community would not only address a historical injustice but also reinforce principles of self-determination and legitimate governance. In a world often challenged by instability and conflict, Somaliland’s story offers a rare example of how historical truth, legal principles, and democratic values can come together to support both justice and regional stability. 

Kisii Senator Richard Onyonka now wants the government to explain the unauthorized withdrawal of Sh1.3 trillion from the National Treasury between July 12, 2024 and February 20, 2025.

The senator, who sought a statement from the Senate Finance Committee, said the funds were withdrawn by the national and county governments from the exchequer manually, bypassing the automated financial management system meant to ensure transparency and accountability in public finance management.

The senator, who was speaking at the Senate plenary on Thursday, said the matter calls for serious questions regarding compliance with Public Finance Acts, appropriateness of the oversight bodies and risk of financial mismanagement and it was important that the Senate seeks to get some clarification. 

“The Senate should get some clarification on the legal and propriety of manual withdrawals and whether they were in accordance with the provisions of the Finance Management Act, 2012,” said Onyonka. 

The senator is seeking to have the House informed of precise destinations and recipients of the withdrawn funds, including the ministries, departments, agencies, and counties they ended up in.

He wants the Senate to be told of the role the Controller of Budget played in sanctioning the transactions and whether due process was followed in the pursuit of financial accountability.

Onyonka wants the Senate to be informed of the efforts made to prevent such withdrawals in the future and ensure total automation of the exchequer process.  

“I would like the Senate to be told of the impact of such withdrawals on the country’s budget, public debt, and allocations in counties,” said Onyonka.

National Treasury Principal Secretary Chris Kiptoo, in a press release, said that  the exchequer requests and withdrawals were processed manually until the end of the 2024 financial year as the system had not yet been automated. By Edwin Nyarangi, The Standard

Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party leader Raila Odinga was treated to a hostile welcome when he visited Gusii Stadium on Sunday, March 9, 2025.

Raila was greeted with ‘Ruto must go’ and ‘Raila must go’ chants when he stood to speak while other Shabana FC fans stood to leave the stadium. 

Raila was in Kisii County alongside Kisii Governor Simba Arati and other senior government and ODM leaders for the official launch of Shabana FC’s new kits.

The heckling comes a day after the ODM party signed a coalition pact with President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA) to work together in government.

Speaking during the signing ceremony event at KICC on Friday, March 7 2025, President William Ruto reaffirmed his commitment to ensuring that Raila is accorded the respect he deserves in the country.

Ruto reminisced about his relationship with Raila and the strong political bond he shares with the former premier acknowledging his efforts and contributions to his political career.

“I called my brother and told him, you have been my brother and party leader, today by God’s grace I am president, I want you to be treated well and I will do whatever it takes to make sure that you have respect in Kenya. I am not doing this for any other reason that is selfish to me; I am doing this because I’m a younger person, you are an elder as far as I am concerned by age and the contributions you have made to this country deserves respect and that is the relationship I have built with Raila,” Ruto said.

“I am very clear in my mind that going into the future will take more than Raila and myself; it will take everyone of us to pull this country together and achieve the things that will change Kenya for the better.”

On his side, Raila pledged to address constitutionalism, rule of law and respect for human rights in his pact with the UDA party as well as addressing issues of youth unemployment, cost of living, inequality and failure of institutions.

“We have agreed to use our parties as a broad platform bringing together various voices, opinions and concerns to address the critical challenges facing the country through a formation that is truly inclusive in outlook,” Raila stated.

“We make it clear that the Memorandum we have signed today does not define the formation of a political coalition between ODM and UDA. However, its successful implementation could inform the basis of steps towards the establishment of a constitutive formation of a stable country in future.” |By Francis Muli, People Daily 

KHARTOUM - 15 April 2023 it was the beginning of a sad story for the Sudanese, when the Rapid Support Forces militia launched a serious war on the Sudanese government army in order to control the government in Sudan.

The result of this attack was harsh on the Sudanese, who were displaced, killed, and raped by the Rapid Support Forces militia.

And after a sudden control over large areas in Sudan ،  the Rapid Support forces rapidly lost almost complete control over their deployment areas in central Sudan after they extended from the center of the capital Khartoum to the borders of the city of Damazin, 600 kilometers south, and from the southeast to the borders of the city of Abu rukhm on the borders of the state of Gedaref in eastern Sudan.

The deployment of the Rapid Support forces did not stop in the south and center of the country, but extended eastward to the Al-Faw District of Al-Qadarif and took control of several towns including it.

But these forces, which were deployed in the center of the country, lost control after accelerated military operations carried out by the Sudanese army, forcing them to retreat to the borders of the capital.

The center of Sudan represents the strategic depth of the country, and witnessed fierce battles between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support forces, the largest of which was in the town of Jebel Moya in the state of Sinnar, a battle that lasted for days in which the army used warplanes and marches so intensively that the Rapid Support commander Mohammed Hamdan Daglo (hemedti) said in press statements that "a neighboring country to Sudan is the one who defeated his forces in Jebel Moya through the Air Force".

The town of Jebel Moya, surrounded by a series of high mountains in Sudan, is connected to the center, west, south and East, and was taken over by the Rapid Support forces in July 2024 through organized attacks led by the Rapid Support commander of the Sennar axis, Lieutenant Colonel Abdul Rahman Al-Bishi, before he was killed in an air strike carried out by the Sudanese Air Force in the town of Tayba Al-lahwin near Jebel Moya.

After the army took control of the town of Jabal Moya, it was able to close the supply line of the Rapid Support forces located in Sinja, Al-dander, Abu Hajar and dalnil on the outskirts of al-Damazin.

The army launched intensive ground attacks in which it recaptured most of the cities of Sinnar state, including the capital Sinja, and managed to break the Rapid Support siege on Sinnar city, which lasted for months, then the army headed from Sinnar and Sinja west towards the Sinnar Sugar Factory and the cities of Jazira state, starting from wad Al-Haddad to Wad Madani.

Several reasons played a decisive role in the superiority of the Sudanese army in the battles in the center of the country-especially in the states of Sinnar and Gezira - and led to the retreat of the Rapid Support forces to more than 600 kilometers to the borders of Khartoum state.

The most notable of these are:

The army possessed an air force that played very effectively and managed to cut off rapid support supply lines.

The most prominent leaders of the rapid support in central Sudan, most notably the commander of the rapid support in Sinnar State, Lieutenant Colonel Abdul Rahman Al-Bishi, the commander of the rapid in Al-Jazeera State, Major General Abdullah Hussein, and Mahdi Rahma (jalha) the most prominent leaders of the rapid support in Al-Jazeera.

The joining of a force from the Sudan shield led by Abu Aqla Kekel, who previously served as the commander of rapid support in the state of Al-Jazeera, was a milestone in the battles in the center of the country, according to observers.

The qualitative weapons that the army has recently possessed-including the Air Force and long-range marches-played a pivotal role in its victories in central Sudan.

As for the capital Khartoum, it is almost free from the rebellion, which was confined to small peripheral areas on the outskirts of Khartoum, and the militia fled in large numbers towards the Darfur region. By Mohamed Saad Kamil, Editor-in-Chief of Brown Land Newspaper-Sudan