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East Africa

By ABDI HALIM MUSA


The African Union (AU) was founded on the principles of self-determination, peace, unity, and regional stability. Yet, it finds itself at a crossroads when it comes to Somaliland—a de facto state that has spent over three decades building a stable democracy, upholding the rule of law and maintaining peace in a region marked by turmoil. Despite its remarkable achievements, Somaliland remains excluded from AU discussions, development initiatives, and regional decision-making.


Recognizing Somaliland through Observer Status is not just a matter of political diplomacy—it is a moral imperative and a strategic necessity. Somaliland represents the very ideals the AU seeks to promote: democracy, stability, and self-reliance. By granting Somaliland a seat at t he table, the AU would send a powerful message that African nations that prioritize good governance, security, and economic development will not be ignored.


This article makes the legal, historical, and political case for Somaliland’s inclusion in the AU, explores how this move would benefit the African continent, and outlines concrete steps for African and global leaders to support this long-overdue decision.

Somaliland’s Journey: From Independence to Resilience A Nation That Was Once Recognized Somaliland’s case for Observer Status is not about secession—it is about reclaiming a sovereignty that was once acknowledged by the international community.


June 26, 1960 – The British Somaliland Protectorate gained full independence, recognized by more than 30 UN member states, including the United Kingdom and Egypt. July 1, 1960 – Just five days later, Somaliland voluntarily united with Italian Somalia to form the Somali Republic—a political experiment that lacked a formal legal framework and quickly proved to be an unequal partnership.


1991 – After enduring decades of marginalization and a devastating civil war, Somaliland peacefully reclaimed its independence, rebuilding its institutions from the ground up. Building Peace and a Functioning Democracy Unlike many post-conflict states, Somaliland’s stability was not imposed by foreign intervention but carefully crafted through locally driven reconciliation efforts. After withdrawing from the failed union with Somalia, Somaliland’s leaders prioritized peacebuilding, democratic governance, and
economic development rather than falling into political fragmentation.


✔ 1993 Borama Conference – Clan elders, politicians, and civil society representatives came together to draft Somaliland’s constitution, creating a hybrid governance model that blends traditional leadership (guurti) with modern democratic institutions.


✔ Seven peaceful elections since 2003 – Somaliland has successfully held multiple presidential, parliamentary, and local elections, with power transitions occurring peacefully—a rare achievement in the region. 


✔ Strong voter engagement – The 2021 parliamentary elections saw a 70% voter turnout, reflecting high public trust in the system. At a time when many AU member states struggle with political instability, coups, and authoritarianism, Somaliland stands out as a success story—a nation that has proven its commitment to democracy, stability, and governance despite lacking international recognition.


The Legal and Political Case for Observer Status Somaliland Meets All Criteria for Statehood satisfies the legal requirements for statehood:

A Permanent Population – More than 5.7 million people who share a national identity, language, and governance structure. 2. Defined Borders – Somaliland’s territory corresponds to the former British Somaliland Protectorate (1884–1960), borders that were internationally recognized before the union with Somalia.

A Functional Government – Somaliland has a working executive, legislature, and judiciary, operating independently. Capacity for International Relations – Somaliland maintains trade agreements, security cooperation, and diplomatic missions in over 15 countries.


These factors clearly distinguish Somaliland from separatist movements elsewhere in Africa—it is not seeking to redraw borders but rather to restore a sovereignty that existed before the union with Somalia.

AU Precedent: The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR)


The AU has already set a precedent by recognizing the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in 1982, despite its contested status.


✔ SADR and Somaliland share similar colonial histories – Both were former protectorates that later sought independence.
✔ The AU accepted SADR without UN recognition – Demonstrating that the AU can act independently of the United Nations.
✔ Somaliland is requesting a lesser status – Unlike SADR, which holds full AU membership,


Somaliland only seeks Observer Status, making this an even less controversial decision. If the AU can accommodate SADR, why continue excluding Somaliland—a nation that outperforms many AU states in governance, security, and democracy? Why Somaliland’s Inclusion Benefits the AU
1. Strengthening Democracy in Africa Many African nations have struggled with democratic backsliding, political instability, and military coups.
✔ Somaliland offers a rare African success story, demonstrating that democracy can thrive without international intervention.
✔ Its free and fair elections put it ahead of many AU member states in terms of governance and accountability.
✔ Including Somaliland in AU discussions would set an example for other African nations, proving that democracy can and will be rewarded.


 Enhancing Regional Security


Somaliland’s location along the Gulf of Aden makes it a key player in regional security: ✔ Maritime security leadership – Somaliland’s coastguard has reduced piracy in the Gulf of Aden by 90% since 2012, ensuring safe trade routes.
✔ Counterterrorism partner – Somaliland has remained free from Al-Shabaab attacks for over a decade, making it a valuable security ally for Africa and global powers.
✔ A strategic buffer against instability – Somaliland’s stability helps prevent the spread of terrorism and conflict in the Horn of Africa.

Expanding Economic Opportunities for Africa


Somaliland is an emerging economic hub, with major infrastructure projects that could benefit the entire African continent:

✔ Berbera Port Expansion – A $442 million project (funded by DP World and the UAE) transforming Somaliland into a regional trade hub.
✔ Trade Corridor with Ethiopia – The 2024 Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU could strengthen economic ties between East Africa and the Middle East.
✔ Untapped Energy Potential – Somaliland has vast oil and gas reserves attracting interest from international investors.


Allowing Somaliland to engage in AU economic initiatives would strengthen intra-African trade and investment, in line with Agenda 2063’s vision for economic integration.


Addressing Common Concerns


1. “Will This Set a Precedent for Other Secessionist Movements?”
📌 Somaliland is not seceding—it is restoring its 1960 independence. Unlike secessionist groups, Somaliland’s borders were internationally recognized before its union with Somalia.
2. “Somalia Opposes Somaliland’s Recognition.”
📌 Somalia has consistently refused to engage in negotiations without preconditions. The AU must step in as a neutral mediator, similar to its approach in Sudan-South Sudan negotiations
(2011–2013).
3. “AU Policy Prioritizes Existing Borders.”
📌 The AU’s own 2005 fact-finding report acknowledged Somaliland’s unique case, stating that it deserved special consideration outside of the traditional AU framework.
The Path Forward: How the AU and Global Leaders Can Act 

What the AU Should Do:


✅ Grant Somaliland Observer Status Immediately – This would allow Somaliland to contribute expertise in security, trade, and democratic governance.
✅ Revisit the 2005 AU Report – A formal vote in the AU Assembly could finally recognize Somaliland’s special status.
✅ Appoint a Special AU Envoy for Somaliland-Somalia Talks – A neutral figure could help restart stalled negotiations without preconditions.


What Global Powers (U.S., UK, EU, UAE) Should Do:
✅ Use Diplomatic Influence – Western and Gulf allies should encourage AU member states to support Somaliland’s bid.
✅ Tie Development Assistance to AU Reform – Donor nations should link funding to progress on recognizing Somaliland’s democratic success.

✅ Encourage Trade and Investment in Somaliland – Economic incentives could build diplomatic momentum for formal recognition. Conclusion: A Call for Justice and Leadership For more than 30 years, Somaliland has been a shining example of peace, democracy, and stability in Africa—a continent often plagued by political crises. Yet, despite meeting all legal, moral, and practical criteria, it remains side-lined by the AU.


Granting Somaliland Observer Status is more than a political gesture; it is a bold step toward an Africa that values governance over outdated territorial politics. Recognizing Somaliland would:
✔ Reward stability and democracy in Africa.
✔ Strengthen regional security and counterterrorism efforts.
✔ Enhance economic cooperation through trade and investment.


The AU must live up to its founding principles and act not out of fear, but out of leadership. The time for hesitation is over. It is time for Africa to embrace Somaliland—not just as an Observer, but as a legitimate and valued partner in shaping the continent’s future. The world faces a choice: continue to ignore a model African state, or take a stand for democracy, peace, and progress. The answer should be clear—the AU must act, and it must act now. The Writer is a Freelance political & economic analyst |
Former Deputy Minister of Commerce, Somaliland

The Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) recently welcomed a high-level delegation from the Bank of Tanzania (BOT) to enhance economic ties with African nations, CBE said in a statement on Wednesday. 

This visit is part of a cooperation programme to foster knowledge exchange in digital transformation, financial technology (FinTech), and payment systems.

Rami Aboulnaga, CBE’s deputy governor, welcomed the delegation, underscoring the CBE’s commitment to strengthening regional collaboration with African counterparts.

He highlighted Egypt’s pioneering role in digital banking services, especially in the context of technological advancements that facilitate financial transactions for citizens.

The delegation, led by CBE’s deputy governor, was briefed on the bank’s initiatives to align with global trends in digital transformation, including developments in FinTech, electronic payments, cybersecurity, and data science.

They also received insights into the CBE’s strategic approach to formulating and implementing key regulatory frameworks, corporate governance, and human resources management.

This meeting underscores the strong historical ties between the CBE and other African central banks, particularly with the BOT. It reinforces ongoing efforts to enhance regional cooperation and promote the exchange of expertise and knowledge. ahram Online

MOGADISHU, Somalia

The Somali government and UN aid agencies warned on Wednesday that 4.4 million people could go hungry by April 2025 due to worsening drought, conflict, and rising food prices in the Horn of Africa nation.

“Worsening drought poses a severe threat to communities already grappling with immense hardship and ongoing conflict. Urgent action is required to save lives, protect livelihoods, and prevent further suffering,” Somali Disaster Management Agency (SoDMA) Commissioner Mohamuud Moallim said in a joint statement with several other UN agencies.

He added that this time, they are not only confronting the devastating impacts of drought but also compounding risks, including conflict and an unprecedented decline in humanitarian funding.

“These overlapping crises demand immediate, collective, and well-coordinated action to strengthen Somalia’s resilience and safeguard our most vulnerable communities.”

The warning was issued by the Somali Disaster Management Agency, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), and the United Nations World Food Programme.

They feared that the number of people would increase to 4.4 million (23% of the population) between April and June 2025, when below-average rains are expected.

The statement said the acute funding shortfalls have resulted in the reduction or elimination of life-saving programs in Somalia, and it is urgently needed to scale up food assistance, nutrition support, water and sanitation services, and livelihood initiatives to mitigate the effects of the expected drought in Somalia.

Somalia's Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for 2025 requires $1.42 billion to address the country's humanitarian crisis, but only 12.4% of that amount has been funded so far.

The warning comes as the latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) analysis shows that 3.4 million Somalis are already experiencing crisis-level or higher hunger.

The country is on the verge of a 2022 famine, which, according to UN data, killed thousands of people, nearly half of whom were children. Anadolu Agency

Amnesty International and several civil society organizations jointly released a petition on Monday addressed to the National Assembly of Kenya, urging the Departmental Committee on Defence, Intelligence and Foreign Relations to acknowledge and end abductions and renditions in Kenya.

Petitioners recalled that in November 2024, prominent Ugandan opposition figure and former presidential candidate for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) political party Kizza Besigye was abducted in Nairobi, Kenya, and resurfaced a few days later in a military court back in Kampala, Uganda. Besigye, along with his colleague Haji Obed Lutale, was charged with offenses relating to security and the unlawful possession of firearms and ammunition at Makindye General Court Martial.

Besigye’s lawyer, Eron Kiiza, was later arrested after reportedly shouting at a court martial after being denied entry to the reserved space for lawyers at a court hearing. He was convicted by General Court Martial for “contempt of court” and sentenced to nine months imprisonment without a fair trial, which amounts to breaches of Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Besigye was remanded to Luzira Maximum Security Prison in Kampala, where he continues to be detained and charged by a Ugandan military tribunal of treachery pointing to treason on 14 January. On January 31, 2025, the Supreme Court of Uganda found that trying civilians in courts-martial is unconstitutional and ordered that “all charges or ongoing criminal trials, or pending trials, before the courts-martial involving civilians, must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts of law with complete jurisdiction.”

In their petition, the organizations stressed that by lawfully detaining people, their rights to personal liberty are breached under the Constitution of Kenya and Uganda and international law documents such as the ICCPR and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Additionally, they stated the transfer of Kizza Besigye and Hajj Obeid Lutale to civilian courts on February 21 violates international human rights law which obliges the Kenya government to ensure the right to a fair trial and the freedom from torture and other ill-treatment.

Several international organizations expressed deep concerns about the deteriorating human rights conditions in Kenya and urgently called on the government to fulfill its commitments regarding human rights by ensuring the release of unjustly detained individuals, addressing any harm caused to activists, and ending the abduction of dissenters while holding accountable those responsible for violence and intimidation. However, petitioners argued that the Kenya Defence Forces, the National Intelligence Service, and the National Police Service have failed to give satisfactory responses.

Petitioners called on relevant authorities in Kenya to acknowledge that abductions and renditions potentially constituting crimes under international law have been committed in Kenya. Further, they should urgently summon the national security organs to promptly, thoroughly, impartially, and transparently investigate all reported cases and take necessary measures to end abductions and renditions in Kenya within a reasonable time. By , Jurist

Nairobi County Governor Johnson Sakaja during a media briefing outside city hall on February 26,2025.[Benard Orwongo,Standard]

The dispute between the Nairobi City County Government (NCCG) and Kenya Power has been resolved following a high-level meeting chaired by Head of Public Service Felix Koskei.

The meeting, held Wednesday, February 26, brought together Governor Johnson Sakaja, Energy Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi, and other senior officials.

In a statement, Sakaja acknowledged that they had reached an agreement with Kenya Power on how to clear the outstanding debt. 

“We have agreed to end the brawl, after we sat down, talked and agreed. Personally I was not happy. The lorries were supposed to just block access to the building, which is something the law allows but not dumping garbage there. That is why the garbage was picked shortly after,” said Sakaja. 

He added that following today’s meeting, the county had removed the trucks blocking entrance to Stima Plaza, and would restore disrupted services, including water supply.

“We will restore water and any other services that were disrupted because we have agreed on how they will pay the debt. We had agreed on how we will pay our debt in installments which dates back so many years. We have to pay debt from the past and the current one,” he added.

Hours before Sakaja’s address, the Kenya Power and Kenya Power Pension Fund sued NCCG over the debt standoff, arguing that staff and tenants could not access the premises due to the garbage bloackade outside Stima Plaza. 

The dispute began Monday morning when county garbage trucks dumped waste outside the building, leaving Kenya Power employees and tenants stranded.

County officials defended the move, saying services were disrupted due to unpaid debts owed by Kenya Power.

In response, Kenya Power denied the claims, instead revealing that the Nairobi County government owed it an outstanding electricity bill.

“On the claim that we owe the County money arising from wayleaves charges, we wish to state that Section 223 of the Energy Act, 2019 expressly states that ‘no public body shall charge levies on public energy infrastructure without the consent of the Cabinet Secretary in writing,” stated the power company.

The utility company condemned the county’s actions, terming them “unethical, unprofessional, and unlawful.”

Kenya Power maintained that it would only settle any outstanding debt upon approval by Energy CS Opiyo Wandayi.  By Winfrey Owino, The Standard

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