Kaetuai was killed by armed gangs while on duty in Haiti. The Multinational Security Support Mission confirmed his death in late February, stating that he succumbed to injuries sustained during an operation. The National Police Service later reported that he was shot by suspected gang members and succumbed to gunshot wounds despite efforts to rush him to hospital.
The body of Police Officer Samuel Tompoi Kaetuai, who was killed while serving on a peacekeeping mission in Haiti, arrived in Nairobi on Monday evening and was received with full honors at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA).
Deputy Inspector General of the Administration Police Service Gilbert Masengeli led a delegation of officers to receive the fallen officer’s remains. Nominated Senator Peris Tobiko, family members, and friends, led by his father, Salaash Kaetuai, were also present.
The body was transferred to Chiromo Mortuary for preservation as burial preparations continue. The burial date will be announced in the coming days.
Kaetuai was killed by armed gangs while on duty in Haiti. The Multinational Security Support Mission confirmed his death in late February, stating that he succumbed to injuries sustained during an operation. The National Police Service later reported that he was shot by suspected gang members and succumbed to gunshot wounds despite efforts to rush him to hospital.
Foreign Ministry Principal Secretary Korir Sing’Oei expressed his condolences on X, saying he was “heartbroken by the loss of a member of Kenya’s deployment.”
Haiti has been grappling with escalating gang violence, with the United Nations reporting 5,601 killings in 2024—1,000 more than the previous year. The UN also documented 315 lynchings of alleged gang members and 281 suspected summary executions by police. More than a million Haitians have been displaced due to the crisis, according to the UN migration agency.
The Kenyan-led peacekeeping mission faced temporary uncertainty in February when the US, under President Donald Trump’s directive, suspended international funding. However, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio later issued a waiver, allowing the operation to proceed. Capital News
A photo collage of Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja and GSU officers stand gurad at Jesus Winners Ministries in Nairobi on March 9, 2025.
Photo NPS/Screengrab
Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja has spoken out following Sunday’s protests where hundreds of youth attempted to storm Jesus Winner Ministry in Roysambu, Nairobi.
The incident left several protesters, including journalists covering the event, injured due to alleged police harassment. Some media personnel were also denied access to the church.
Speaking to the media after inaugurating the Thika Police Community Chapel at Thika West Sub-County Police Headquarters, Kanja condemned the events and called for restraint among officers involved.
Responding to journalists’ inquiries, Kanja reaffirmed that the National Police Service (NPS) does not condone the use of force against the media.
"I am not aware of the Kasarani incident but generally, our position is very clear. The National Police Service works closely with the media—we share the same space and must collaborate," Kanja stated.
"If there are isolated incidents, they do not reflect the position of the NPS. Our goal is to work with everyone because we need each other," he added.
The journalist, who did not want to be named as he had forgiven the police officer, was hit with a police button on the arms, leaving him with injuries.
Additionally, over 38 youths were arrested shortly after and detained at Kasarani Police Station in Nairobi after they engaged police in running battles near the Roysambu roundabout.
They were later released on Sunday evening after the Law Society of Kenya and other civil groups went to the station to demand their unconditional release.
LSK President Faith Odhiambo faulted the police over the use of excessive force and indiscriminate lobbing of tear gas canisters in residential areas.
''We take note of reports of several persons who have been beaten up and injured by police. We demand that the National Police Service exercise restraint from using excessive force against the people,'' Odhiambo warned.
''We have also seen images of police indiscriminately lobbing teargas canisters in largely residential areas and without provocation. This itself is a breach of the peace and order police are required to maintain.''
The protests paralysed transport momentarily at a section of Thika Road near the TRM mall after the youth barricaded the road using stones and burnt tires.
However, the anti-riot police from the General Police Service together with their counterparts from the regular police repulsed their efforts and pushed them into the adjacent estates. By Frankline Oduor, Kenyans.co.ke
Somaliland’s pursuit of international recognition is not just another bid for statehood. Unlike many self-determination movements, Somaliland’s claim to sovereignty is grounded in a distinctive blend of historical legitimacy, legal precedent, and proven governance. In an era where global stability often hinges on respecting both historical contexts and international law, acknowledging Somaliland’s unique situation is not only a matter of justice but also a strategic move toward fostering peace in the volatile Horn of Africa.
Historical Precedents and the Flawed Union On June 26, 1960, the British Somaliland protectorate achieved independence and was briefly recognized internationally as the State of Somaliland. Merely five days later, it voluntarily merged with the Trust Territory of Somalia (formerly Italian Somaliland) to establish the Somali Republic on July 1, 1960. While this union was meant to symbolize a Pan-Somali dream, it was fraught with serious legal and procedural flaws.
The Act of Union, which was supposed to formalize the merger, failed to meet essential international legal standards. It lacked proper ratification and procedural clarity. These legal deficiencies were starkly highlighted in a 1961 constitutional referendum where over 60% of voters in the north rejected the proposed constitution. This overwhelming dissent reflected deep-rooted discontent with the union, particularly among Somalilanders who felt marginalized by the new political arrangement.
The 1961 Coup Attempt: Northern Grievances on Display The dissatisfaction in Somaliland reached a critical point in December 1961, when a group of at least 24 British-trained junior officers launched a coup in an effort to restore Somaliland’s independence. Frustrated by the dominance of Italian-trained southern officers in the new Somali military, these officers took control of strategic locations, including Radio Hargeisa, where they declared their intention to end the union.
Despite the coup’s swift suppression by loyalist forces, its legal aftermath proved significant. During the trial, a British judge acquitted the coup plotters, ruling that the union lacked a valid legal foundation. This judgment not only underscored the union’s shaky legal basis but also provided a crucial precedent supporting Somaliland’s argument that the merger with Somalia was never legitimate under either domestic or international law.
Legal Foundations for Somaliland’s Statehood Somaliland’s claim to independence is not merely political but is strongly anchored in international legal principles. The 1933 Montevideo Convention outlines four key criteria for statehood: 1. A Permanent Population: Somaliland has a stable and identifiable population, maintaining its distinct cultural and social identity.
2. A Defined Territory: Its borders correspond with those established during the British colonial era, offering a clear territorial framework . Effective Government: Since its self-declared independence in 1991, Somaliland has built robust democratic institutions, ensuring peace and stability in contrast to the turbulence in Somalia.
4. Capacity for International Relations: Despite lacking formal recognition, Somaliland engages n diplomacy, hosts international delegations, and maintains informal relations with various countries and organizations. The legal ambiguity surrounding the 1960 union further strengthens Somaliland’s case. The absence of a binding legal instrument to formalize the merger into the Somali Republic implies that Somaliland’s sovereignty was never lawfully dissolved. This argument is reinforced by the 1961 court ruling that essentially invalidated the union's legal framework.
More than a Secession: A Restoration of Sovereignty. What sets Somaliland apart from conventional secessionist movements is its quest to restore, rather than establish, sovereignty. While most separatist groups aim to break away from an existing, functional state, Somaliland's struggle is about reversing an ill-conceived and legally questionable union. It is not seeking to fracture a stable nation but to reclaim its rightful status as a sovereign state—a critical distinction that supports its legitimacy under international law.
Regional and Diplomatic Developments in recent years, geopolitical shifts have only bolstered Somaliland’s case for recognition. The region; strategic importance, including its control of key maritime routes in the Gulf of Aden, makes its stability a valuable asset. Somaliland's consistent engagement in regional dialogues—such as high-level meetings involving Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and discussions facilitated by Turkey—illustrates its potential as a reliable partner in regional security.
Economically, Somaliland's stability could also unlock new opportunities for trade and development in the Horn of Africa. Its commitment to democracy, human rights, and effective governance presents a stark contrast to the ongoing chaos in Somalia. Recognizing Somaliland would enable it to contribute meaningfully to international institutions and participate in initiatives that promote security and development.
The Broader Implications of Recognition. Formal recognition of Somaliland would set an important legal precedent affirming the right of peoples to reclaim sovereignty when a union is founded on flawed legal grounds. This move could stabilize a historically volatile region by promoting a governance model based on legality, democracy, and respect for historical boundaries.
For the international community, welcoming Somaliland into the fold would also be a pragmatic step. It would introduce a stable and democratic entity into the international system—one with valuable insights into post-conflict reconstruction and state-building. Moreover, it could help reshape approaches to self-determination and state legitimacy in a way that aligns with both historical realities and contemporary geopolitical needs.
Conclusion: A Compelling Case for Justice and Stability. Somaliland’s journey is a powerful testament to resilience, legal legitimacy, and democratic governance. The union of 1960, marred by legal oversights, the 1961 coup attempt, and the subsequent legal ruling that highlighted the union’s invalidity, collectively present a strong argument for Somaliland’s sovereignty.
By recognizing Somaliland, the international community would not only address a historical injustice but also reinforce principles of self-determination and legitimate governance. In a world often challenged by instability and conflict, Somaliland’s story offers a rare example of how historical truth, legal principles, and democratic values can come together to support both justice and regional stability.
Act4Africa, which is based in Chichester, is trying to raise £550 to support women in Mayuge, Uganda, through the 'She Leads' programme.
The charity helps to transform the lives of women and girls in Uganda by giving them vocational training, financial literacy, and entrepreneurship support.
The 'She Leads' programme gives women the resources to grow independently and sustainably.
It provides startup capital, mentorship, and peer networks to help their businesses flourish.
Act4Africa also offers pre-school childcare at Kathy's Centre, the charity's home base, helping both mothers and their children on their path to stability and success.
Act4Africa's Ugandan Team. (Image: Act4Africa)Women in Uganda face many difficulties with six per cent of girls aged 12 to 17 having already given birth, often left to raise their children alone.
Only 15 per cent of women complete secondary education, leaving many struggling to secure employment.
Even those who do find work face significant hardships, with 86 per cent of women reporting physical or verbal abuse in the workplace.
These harsh realities highlight the urgent need for intervention and support.
Due to a lack of funding, Act4Africa has been forced to halve the number of women it supports each year.
'She Leads' meeting. (Image: Act4Africa)Just £550 would allow five more women to take part in a 10-week vocational training programme, equipping them with skills in hairdressing, sewing, or tailoring, alongside business management training.
Upon completion, each woman receives a business starter kit, providing the essential tools needed to launch their own ventures.
The charity has said that women such as Selima have benefited from this programme. By Joe Benham, The Argus
Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party leader Raila Odinga was treated to a hostile welcome when he visited Gusii Stadium on Sunday, March 9, 2025.
Raila was greeted with ‘Ruto must go’ and ‘Raila must go’ chants when he stood to speak while other Shabana FC fans stood to leave the stadium.
Raila was in Kisii County alongside Kisii Governor Simba Arati and other senior government and ODM leaders for the official launch of Shabana FC’s new kits.
The heckling comes a day after the ODM party signed a coalition pact with President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA) to work together in government.
Speaking during the signing ceremony event at KICC on Friday, March 7 2025, President William Ruto reaffirmed his commitment to ensuring that Raila is accorded the respect he deserves in the country.
Ruto reminisced about his relationship with Raila and the strong political bond he shares with the former premier acknowledging his efforts and contributions to his political career.
“I called my brother and told him, you have been my brother and party leader, today by God’s grace I am president, I want you to be treated well and I will do whatever it takes to make sure that you have respect in Kenya. I am not doing this for any other reason that is selfish to me; I am doing this because I’m a younger person, you are an elder as far as I am concerned by age and the contributions you have made to this country deserves respect and that is the relationship I have built with Raila,” Ruto said.
“I am very clear in my mind that going into the future will take more than Raila and myself; it will take everyone of us to pull this country together and achieve the things that will change Kenya for the better.”
On his side, Raila pledged to address constitutionalism, rule of law and respect for human rights in his pact with the UDA party as well as addressing issues of youth unemployment, cost of living, inequality and failure of institutions.
“We have agreed to use our parties as a broad platform bringing together various voices, opinions and concerns to address the critical challenges facing the country through a formation that is truly inclusive in outlook,” Raila stated.
“We make it clear that the Memorandum we have signed today does not define the formation of a political coalition between ODM and UDA. However, its successful implementation could inform the basis of steps towards the establishment of a constitutive formation of a stable country in future.” |By Francis Muli, People Daily
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