Paul Gicheru, the Kenyan lawyer who was facing charges of witness tampering at the International Criminal Court (ICC), spent his last hours drinking wine at his Karen home in Nairobi before his wife found him unresponsive on Monday night.
This is the only thing that the police, his family and lawyer agree on about how the lawyer spent his last moments.
Gicheru was awaiting the ICC verdict in a few weeks on whether he was guilty of bribing witnesses that were to testify in the collapsed trial of President William Ruto.
Medics from the Karen Hospital who rushed to his house at 7 pm on Monday after receiving a distress call from a neighbour found the lawyer motionless on a sofa upstairs.
He was 52, did not have any serious ailments and rarely left his house in the upscale Northwood Villas on Miotoni Lane in Karen, where the monthly rent is a minimum of Sh400,000.
He moved to the neighbourhood five years ago.
Yet in the wake of his mysterious death, it is the inconsistency between what the police, his family and his lawyer are saying that is raising questions as to what exactly happened to Gicheru, whom the ICC says played a crucial role in making the case against Dr Ruto collapse.
An initial signal circulated within police lines, which the Nation has seen, says that it’s Gicheru’s 20-year-old son, Allan, who, on finding his father unconscious, told his mother Ruth Nyambura that Gicheru “had taken something and upon checking on him upstairs, he was found unconscious”.
“The medics further found the son lying on a bed with froth oozing out of his mouth. They offered him first aid and rushed him to the Karen Hospital,” said the report filed at the Karen Police Station under OB number 54/26/09/22.
A press release issued yesterday morning by the National Police Service on the matter, however, agreed on most of the earlier explanations filed at the Lang’ata Police Station, apart from how Gicheru was discovered unconscious.
According to the press release, the lawyer spent the whole of Monday afternoon at his home hosting his father-in-law and his son, who is now recuperating at the Karen Hospital.
“It emerged at one point at about 3.30 pm that the father-in-law left the premises with the deceased’s driver towards Ngara as the deceased excused himself to go to his bedroom,” said the police.
“After some time, the wife was concerned about his absence and followed him upstairs only to find him lying on the bed unconscious,” the police report read.
What is creating confusion is how the police can give two different explanations about who between Gicheru’s wife and son discovered him unconscious.
While speaking to Citizen TV on Tuesday night, Gicheru’s mother Josephine Wambui, insisted that her son was in very good health.
“It’s not easy for someone to just drop dead like that when he was not even sick. I spoke to him last Friday and he told me he was doing okay,” she said.
A few hours before Ms Wambui appeared on TV, Senior Counsel John Khaminwa, who was Gicheru’s friend, claimed that his client’s behaviour was a bit unusual in his last days.
“It appears as if Paul Gicheru was not himself, he was in a stressful condition. What I’m reading on social media that he probably ate some food and so on, doesn’t appear to be so,” he told journalists who had camped at the lawyer’s gate.
A post-mortem examination that was supposed to be conducted yesterday to provide some answers on the cause of death was postponed at the request of his parents who were yet to travel from Eldoret.
Azimio la Umoja One Kenya Coalition leader Raila Odinga yesterday demanded a foreign investigation into the death of lawyer Paul Gicheru who was on trial at the International Criminal Court, saying, the case has international implications.
Mr Odinga said international investigative agencies, including Interpol, should lead the probe in order to allay suspicions of a cover-up in Kenya.
In a statement issued by his Presidential Campaign Secretariat Spokesperson Makau Mutua, Mr Odinga said a thorough and credible investigation is needed to uncover the circumstances of Mr Gicheru’s death and his son’s illness.
“This pattern of mysterious and unexplained deaths, some of them gruesome and macabre, is extremely disturbing,” said Mr Odinga.
“To avoid a cover-up in Kenya, we call upon international investigative agencies, including Interpol, to lead the investigation. This is particularly so because the case has international implications as Mr Gicheru was in the custody of the ICC at the time of his death.”
This came as investigators took away some personal items from the lawyer’s home, including his bed sheets, a glass believed to be the one he was drinking wine from and CCTV camera footage that will be used to reconstruct Gicheru’s last movements and ascertain whether he received any visitors apart from those on record.
His employees, however, told the Nation in confidence that Gicheru was at home with his wife Ruth, son Allan and his father-in-law Wang’ombe Wokabi, plus one of his two househelps known as Dorcas.
According to his employees, their boss spent the whole of Monday in his personal quarters on the upper floor of the five-bedroom house, drinking his favourite white wine.
He only came downstairs at about 4pm to ask for water and then went back up.
“His wife and father-in-law were there, but he spent the day in his bedroom and only came down once,” one of his employees said.
Nothing seemed out of the ordinary until shortly after 7pm when his wife went upstairs to find out if the lawyer was coming down for dinner, only to find him foaming at the mouth.
Then on going into the next bedroom, she found her son unconscious.
An ambulance was immediately called to rush Gicheru and Allan, who is a university student in the United Kingdom, to the hospital.
His wife Ruth, and househelp Dorcas, also hopped into the ambulance to accompany the two to the hospital.
It is Dorcas who came back with the bad news that the lawyer was declared dead at 10pm on Monday. By then, a number of media outlets had already got wind of the news.
The home of late lawyer Paul Gicheru in Northwood Villas, Miotoni lane Karen, Nairobi County in this picture taken on September 27, 2022.
Gicheru was in 2015 indicted by the ICC for offences against the administration of justice by corruptly influencing witnesses of the court.
He was among three people accused of bribing and intimidating witnesses supposed to testify against Dr Ruto, who was facing charges of crimes against humanity.
The others were Walter Barasa and Phillip Bett.Dr Ruto, who had been accused of orchestrating murder, deportation and persecution in the violence that followed the 2007 disputed elections in which nearly 1,200 people were killed, was set free in 2016 by the ICC.
In releasing him, the court ruled that there was insufficient evidence. It declared Dr Ruto’s case a mistrial, but noted that there were “troubling incidences of witness interference and intolerable political meddling”.
However, by suddenly surrendering at The Hague in November 2020, Gicheru, who had a warrant of arrest issued against him five years before, presented a fresh opportunity to pursue international efforts to get justice for the victims of the violence.
In June, after about a year of trial, the ICC ruled that it was convinced that “between April 2013 and January 2014, Mr Gicheru offered various witnesses millions of shillings in cash instalments in exchange for withdrawing as prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case”.
Trial judge Miatta Maria Samba, while confirming that Gicheru had a case to answer, said the chamber would deliberate on the proceedings and, within a reasonable period, pronounce its decision on either conviction or acquittal.
After that ruling, the lawyer, who was in September last year released on a bond on the condition that he would allow the ICC to track his movements and also provide assurance that he would not skip court, returned to Kenya.
Since getting back in the country, Gicheru rarely left his house and even scaled-down operations at his Upper Hill office as he feared for his life, at least according to his relatives and people close to him.
The last time he visited his office was on Thursday last week.
“The boss never visited people and you could not tell who was his client or friend,” one of his drivers told us.
“Since the ICC case, he never had any friends to a level where they visited each other or hanged out together,” said the driver who said Gicheru once mentioned to him that he only wanted to clear his name at The Hague.
As secretive as he was lonely, Gicheru was facing very serious crimes at the ICC.
Prosecutors keen to nail him claimed that he was the head of a witness interference ring that sought and bribed witnesses with money in exchange for their withdrawal and recantation of prior statements in the case against Dr Ruto.
Had he been found guilty, the lawyer would not only have faced five years in prison, but it would have given the ICC a chance to revisit one of the most public cases facing a high-profile personality that failed in its courts.
While dismissing Dr Ruto’s charges in April 2016 the ICC did not declare him innocent, leaving the possibility of a new trial in future.
Gicheru’s death adds to a long list of witnesses in the cases related to the post-poll violence for which President Ruto and his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta were charged, who have disappeared, died mysteriously or were murdered.
“It’s somewhat odd that after the election in Kenya, and before the court issues its judgment, there is this incident. This warrants the ICC stepping up to the plate,” Mr Michael Karnavas, who was Gicheru’s lawyer at the ICC, told the New York Times.
In July, Christopher Koech, a teacher in Kakamega who was linked to Gicheru’s ICC case, was found lying on the roadside next to his motorbike near Shibuli market. He had foam in his mouth and was sweating profusely, raising suspicions of poisoning.
And although Gicheru was not sick, the fact that he was found unresponsive together with his son after drinking wine while in the safety of his home, only adds mystery as to who could have wanted him and Koech dead.
“We’ve been informed that the police visited the home and urged the Inspector-General of the National Police Service to ensure that speedy and thorough investigations are conducted into the cause of his death,” the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) said on Tuesday.
“It is in the public domain that he was facing charges at the ICC. It is also in the public domain that several witnesses in the ICC cases have either disappeared or died. There is, therefore, significant public interest in establishing the cause of his death,” the LSK stated.
Witnesses in the case, who have died mysteriously, included Meshack Yebei, who, in January 2015, was found dead at the Man-Eaters section of the Tsavo National Park after he went missing for about a week. A post-mortem examination showed he was hit on the head with a blunt object. Jared Nyataya | Nation Media Group
An employee working at lawyer Paul Gicheru's residence in Karen, Nairobi has revealed intricate details of the boss's final moments before his demise on Monday, September 26.
Speaking to Nation, the staff divulged that Gicheru had spent the better part of the day in his quarters in his five-bedroomed house, partaking in his favourite white wine.
Despite having three guests; his son, Allan, his wife, and his father-in-law, Gicheru spent the day in his bedroom, coming out on one occasion before returning to his room.
"His wife and father-in-law were there, but he spent the day in his bedroom and only came down once,” the employee intimated.
The source further divulged that the father-in-law left at around 3.30 pm, leaving his wife and his son in the house.
The employee stated that the wife went to check up on Gicheru at 7.00 pm to ask him if he would take dinner, only to find him with foam in his mouth.
The statement contradicted media reports which stated that the son was the first to stumble upon his father's lifeless body.
In addition, two police statements contradicted the reports as to who found the body first; either the son or the wife. The first report, filed at the Karen Police Station under OB number 54/26/09/22, indicated that the son found his father's body and informed his mother.
However, a statement released later from the National Police Service revealed that the wife had found Gicheru's body lying on the bed.
“It emerged at one point at about 3.30 pm that the father-in-law left the premises with the deceased’s driver towards Ngara as the deceased excused himself to go to his bedroom."
"After some time, the wife was concerned about his absence and followed him upstairs only to find him lying on the bed unconscious," read part of the police statement.
Gicheru's family has urged the police to expedite investigations to unearth the details that led to their kin's demise.
Further, the postmortem of the body was postponed to a later date to accommodate some of the family members who are yet to travel from Eldoret.
Reception of foreign ambassadors at Kremlin. (Photo supplied) Photo Courtesy
During the September ceremony to receive foreign ambassadors, Russian leader Vladimir Putin offered spiteful goal-setting policy outlines and some aspects of lofty Russia’s economic policy directions for Africa. Most of these directions considered significant have, over these years, featured prominently in all his previous speeches on Russia’s relations with Africa.
In a grandiose style, Putin gave a line-up of cheerful-looking ambassadors a step-by-step account of the global situation, the necessity for Russia’s “special military operation” in neighbouring Ukraine, questions relating to regional security, and economic instability due to rising prices for energy and commodities. He underscored the development of multipolar and more democratic and fair world order had entered its active phase.
“Regrettably, the objective movement towards multipolarity has come up against resistance from those trying to preserve their dominant role in international affairs and to control everything – Latin America, Europe, Asia and Africa,” Putin said.
Referencing the current international situation with an emphasis on the critical regional problems of the African continent and the bilateral relations of African countries whose ambassadors were accredited to the Russian Federation, Putin stressed “the importance of the upcoming second Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg in 2023 for strengthening diverse relations between Russia and African countries.”
Putin further touched on Moscow’s efforts to restore its geopolitical foothold on the continent after the historical collapse of the Soviet era. While the summit is considered a significant development for Russia’s power-wielding ambitions, Putin strongly reminded African ambassadors that the second Russia-Africa summit is scheduled to be held in St Petersburg in 2023. “We hope that together we will be able to give a new impetus to the comprehensive development of mutually beneficial cooperation between Russia and the African states,” he said.
Significant to note here that at the far end of the first summit, Russia and Africa issued a joint declaration; among the questions was to hold the summit every three years. Both Russia and Africa could not hold the summit during its third year, both Russia and Africa failed to choose the summit venue. While reasons were not assigned for this sharp inconsistency, policy experts suggested either the Central African Republic (CAR) or the Republic of Mali could hold the summit. CAR and Mali are “reliable Russia’s partners,” and holding the summit would have resonating effects.
During his speech, Putin invited the President of Algeria Abdelmadjid Tebboune, to visit Russia. Understandably, Algeria is Russia’s second-largest trading partner in Africa regarding trade volume. And trade and economic cooperation continue to develop actively, as well as ties in other areas, including military-technical and cultural ties. Reports say Russia supports Algeria’s balanced regional and international affairs policy and continues to work together towards strengthening stability in the Middle East, North Africa and the Sahara-Sahel region.
“We consistently build friendly relations with Egypt under the fundamental Agreement on Comprehensive Partnership and Strategic Cooperation signed in 2018. We view Egypt as one of our most important partners in Africa and the Arab world. We are in constant contact with President Sisi,” according to Putin.
The intergovernmental commission has been working, promoting trade growth, which increased by more than 40 per cent in the first six months of this year. Large joint projects are being implemented, such as constructing the El Dabaa nuclear power plant and creating a Russian industrial zone near the Suez Canal. There is a regular political dialogue and close foreign policy coordination. Within the general policy framework, Russia does not grant concessionary loans and has not publicly allocated a budget for Africa.
But in this exceptional case, Russia and Egypt signed an agreement, and the total cost of construction is fixed at $30 billion. Russia provides Egypt with a loan of $25 billion, which will cover 85% of the work. The Egyptian side will cover the remaining expenses by attracting private investors. Under the agreement, Egypt is to start payments on the loan, which was provided at 3% per annum, in October 2029.
Ambassador Harouna Samake (Republic of Mali) was among the envoys in the Kremlin and listened attentively as Putin welcomed the intention of the leadership of the Republic of Mali to form a long-term strategic partnership with Russia and develop mutually beneficial ties.
During a detailed telephone conversation in August with Interim President Assimi Goïta, Putin agreed to continue joint efforts in countering international terrorism and religious extremism. He further pledged that Russia would continue to provide the Malian people with comprehensive assistance and support in various ways.
The same diplomatic rhetoric praised Russia’s relations with Uganda, one of Russia’s reliable partners in Africa. The United Republic of Tanzania has listed promising spheres such as peaceful nuclear research, transport, energy and tourism. These spheres have been on Russia’s list for many other African countries.
Over the years, Russia has performed dismally in Africa’s transport and energy sector. In theory, it has expressed heightened interest in exploring and producing oil and gas in Africa. But so far, its investment efforts are not seen in the region. Russia claims the leading position as an energy supplier and is now rapidly diversifying its products at discounted prices to the Asian market. Therefore, it is logical that African leaders should not expect much from the Russian Federation in this oil and gas (energy) sector.
Currently, all African countries have a serious energy crisis. Over 620 million in Sub-Saharan Africa do not have electricity out of 1.3 billion people. In this context, several African countries are exploring nuclear energy as part of the solution. Three decades after the Soviet collapse, not a single nuclear plant has been completed in Africa.
Some still advocate for alternative energy supply. Gabby Asare Otchere-Darko, Founder and Executive Director of Danquah Institute, a non-profit organization that promotes policy initiatives and advocates for Africa’s development, wrote in an email that “Africa needs expertise and knowledge transfer that can assist Africa to develop its physical infrastructure, add value to two of its key resources: natural resources and human capital.”
Russia has respectable expertise in one key area for Africa: energy development. “But, has Russia the courage, for instance, to take on the stalled $8-$10 billion Inga-3 hydropower project on the Congo river? This is the kind of development project that can vividly send out a clear signal to African leaders and governments that Russia is, indeed, ready for business,” he said in an interview discussion.
The renewable energy potential is enormous in Africa, citing the Democratic Republic of Congo Grand Inga Dam. Grand Inga is the world’s largest proposed hydropower scheme. It is a grand vision to develop a continent-wide power system. Grand Inga-3 is expected to have an electricity-generating capacity of about 40,000 megawatts – nearly twice as much as the 20 largest nuclear power stations. The cost of building nuclear power does not make sense when compared to the cost of building renewables or other energy sources to solve energy shortages in Africa.
With high optimism and a high desire to strengthen its geopolitical influence, Russia has engaged in sloganism, and many of its signed agreements have not been implemented. The joint declaration adopted at the first summit is intended to raise the African agenda of Russia’s foreign policy to a new level and remains the main document determining the conceptual framework of Russian-African cooperation. Many remain as submit paperwork. China, Japan, India, the United States, the European Union and other players are progressively implementing their African strategies.
Over the years, Russia has shown high interest in Libya, whose ambassador, Emhemed Almaghrawi (State of Libya), was part of the Kremlin ceremony in September. Over the years, Russia has struggled to improve its bilateral political and economic dialogue and cooperation with that North African country. It has faced many pitfalls and obstacles, though.
“We attach great importance to relations with Libya and are interested in a fair and lasting settlement of the protracted internal conflict in that country. Russia will continue to support Libya’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and help the friendly Libyan people defend their right to a decent life, peace and security. As the internal situation in Libya stabilises, we look forward to resuming bilateral cooperation in various fields,” Putin said.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov condemned the Atlantic alliance when he spoke to students at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations in Moscow on September 1. Russia claims it lost billions of dollars in energy, defence, and infrastructure contracts it had negotiated with the removal of Col. Qaddafi. Russia’s state arms exporter lost an estimated $4 billion in Libyan contracts after the UN Security Council imposed an arms embargo on Libya.
Russian Railways had secured a $3 billion contract to build a high-speed rail link from Sirt to Benghazi. Many of these contracts were either signed in Qaddafi’s presence or were organized by him. Russia’s state news agency ITAR-TASS estimates that the country could lose as much as $10 billion in business if Libya’s new leadership challenges the legality of the existing contracts.
As Anna Borshchevskaya, an Ira Weiner Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, observes that military has been part of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, and Russian authorities have been strengthening military-technical cooperation with some African countries.
“A major driver for Moscow’s push into Africa is military cooperation more broadly. These often include officer training and the sale of military equipment, though the details are rarely publicly available,” she acknowledges, “and it will continue so in Russia’s relations with Africa.
Russia has made significant arms deals with Angola and Algeria. Reports show that Egypt, Uganda, Tanzania, Somalia, Mali, Sudan and Libya have also bought arms from Russia. Small countries such as Burundi, Botswana, and Rwanda, with distinctively impoverished populations and budgetary limitations, have signed agreements. Russia also provides military training and support; it has defence orders worth $14 billion from African countries.
According to Nezavisimaya Gazeta, quoting military experts, Russia has much to gain by promoting and attempting to dispose off its Soviet-era military equipment in Africa. After all, Russia is self-sufficient and has economic independence, so with enthusiasm, convincing African leaders to purchase fertilizers and grains, thereby pushing them towards depleting their hard-earned revenues. Without a doubt, African leaders endlessly boast of vast uncultivated lands, making little efforts to support and mechanize agriculture.
During these months of the Russia-Ukraine crisis and sanctions from the United States, Europe and Pacific allies, Russian diplomacy has repeatedly stressed that Moscow is ready to export 30 million tons of grain and over 20 million tons of fertilizer by the end of 2022.
According to local Russian media reports, the Russian Agriculture Ministry’s Agroexport Federal Centre for Development of Agribusiness Exports, in close partnership collaboration with Trust Technologies and the business expert community, drew up a business plan for the development of exports for agricultural products (grain, dairy, meat and confectionery products) to promising markets of African countries.
The project’s goal is to prepare a practice-oriented model for increasing supplies and enhancing the competitiveness of Russian agricultural goods in the African market. The report says nine African countries have been chosen as target markets for the delivery of agricultural products. These are Angola, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nigeria, Tunisia and South Africa.
That report explicitly notes African leaders’ readiness to spend state budgets on food imports; without a doubt, “food security” is the central theme for the 2023 Russia-Africa summit. These countries account for 40% of the continent’s population and one-third of all African imports of agricultural products; Russia estimates to earn some $33 billion from Africa.
In practical terms, a microscopic analysis of Russia’s economic presence gives many interpretations and contradictions. While currently, Russia seems to be soliciting the support of Africa to lead the emerging new world order, Russia still does not recognize that it needs to adopt more public outreach policies to win the minds and hearts of Africans. Its economic footprint on the continent is comparatively weak. Instead of addressing its own investment agenda, it has consistently criticised other foreign players, especially the United States and European countries, that are active in Africa.
Many Russian companies have abandoned their projects in Africa. The latest is the lucrative platinum project contract that was signed for $3 billion in September 2014, the platinum mine is located about 50 km northwest of Harare, the Zimbabwean capital. The Darwendale project involves a consortium of the Rostekhnologii State Corporation, Vneshekonombank and Vi Holding in a joint venture with some private Zimbabwe investors and the Zimbabwean government.
After widely campaigning for the construction of what was referred to as the “Southern Oil&Gas Pipelines” that was supposed to connect three or four southern African countries, Russia’s Rosneft finally abandoned the project. And similarly, State Nuclear Enterprise Rosatom never mentioned again the proposed nuclear plant construction signed by Jacob Zuma of South Africa.
Russia’s Lukoil undertook exploratory feasibility studies in Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Cameroon and Ghana, only to abandon these projects. Nigeria’s Ajeokuta Steel Plant project remains a dream project for Russians. Norilsk Nickel (Nornickel), the Russian mining giant, ceased operations in Botswana. It owned a stake in the Tati Nickel in Botswana, where production was expected to reach its highest level. It has previously given a positive assessment of the possibilities for developing its production assets in South Africa and many African countries. There is a long list of Russian companies that under-performed or performed badly and finally exited Africa.
Just a few weeks before his departure from Moscow, the Zimbabwean ambassador to the Russian Federation, Brigadier General Nicholas Mike Sango, told me in an interview discussion that several issues could strengthen the relationship. One important direction is economic cooperation. African diplomats have consistently been persuading Russia’s businesses to take advantage of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (ACFTA) as an opportunity for Russian businesses to establish footprints on the continent. This view has not found favour with them, and it is hoped over time, it will.
Although the government has not pronounced incentives for businesses to set sights and venture into Africa, Russian businesses generally view Africa as too risky for their investment. He said that Russia needs to set footprints on the continent by exporting its competitive advantages in engineering and technological advancement to bridge the gap that is retarding Africa’s industrialization and development.
“Worse is that there are too many initiatives by too many quasi-state institutions promoting economic cooperation with Africa saying the same things in different ways, but doing nothing tangible,” he told me during the lengthy pre-departure interview. He served the Republic of Zimbabwe in the Russian Federation from July 2015 to August 2022. He previously held various high-level posts, such as military adviser in Zimbabwe’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations and as an international instructor in the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
There are several similar criticisms from former ambassadors. According to Mandisi Mpahlwa, former South African Ambassador, Sub-Saharan Africa has understandably been low on post-Soviet Russia’s list of priorities, given that Russia is not as dependent on Africa’s natural resources as other major economies. The reason: Soviet and African relations, anchored as they were on the fight to push back the frontiers of colonialism, did not necessarily translate into trade, investment and economic ties, which would have continued seamlessly with post-Soviet Russia.
“Russia’s objective of taking the bilateral relationship with Africa to the next level cannot be realized without a close partnership with the private sector. Africa and Russia are close politically but geographically distant, and the people-to-people ties are still underdeveloped. This translates into a low level of knowledge on both sides of what the other has to offer. There is perhaps also a fear of the unknown in both countries,” Mpahlawa said in an interview after completing his ambassadorial duty in the Russian Federation.
Russia has a lot of policy weaknesses in Africa. Reports indicated that more than 90 agreements were signed at the end of the first Russia-Africa summit. Thousands of bilateral agreements are still on the drawing board, and century-old promises and pledges for supporting sustainable development are authoritatively renewed with African countries. Like a polar deer waking up from its deep slumber, Russia is flashing its geopolitical headlights in all directions on Africa.
Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs website indicates that there have been several top-level bilateral meetings, signing of MoUs and bilateral agreements during the past years. In November 2021, a policy document titled the ‘Situation Analytical Report’ presented at the premises of TASS News Agency was very critical of Russia’s current policy towards Africa.
While the number of high-level meetings has increased, the share of substantive issues and definitive results on the agenda remains small. It explicitly points out the inconsistent approach in dealing with Africa. Russia lacks public outreach policies for Africa. Apart from the absence of a public strategy for the continent, there is a lack of coordination among various state and para-state institutions working with Africa.
Ultimately, actions, not words, will determine if upcoming Russia -Africa Summit and the proposed Africa strategy will reset relations with the continent. The significant fact here is that little has been achieved since the first Russia-Africa summit held in October 2019. According to the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Ambassador-at-Large and head of the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum, Oleg Ozerov, food security will be one of the top issues on the agenda of the second Russia-Africa Summit.
It is a fact that Russia’s ties with Africa declined with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. In the aftermath of the Soviet Union, Russia continues efforts in search of possible collaboration and opportunities for cooperation in the past years. But most essentially, Russians must understand clearly that little has been achieved in Africa. Several bilateral agreements signed with individual countries are not implemented, while in the previous years, there has been an unprecedented huge number of “working visits” to Africa.
According to our research findings, in stark contrast to key global players, for instance, the United States, China, the European Union and many others, Russia’s policies have little impact on African development paradigms. Russia’s policies have often ignored Africa’s sustainable development questions. Experts have repeatedly suggested Russia adopt an Action Plan – a practical document that would fill cooperation with substance between summits. In conclusion, Russians must strongly remember that Africa’s roadmap is the African Union Agenda 2063. By By Kester Kenn Klomegah, Eurasia Review
Kenyans have until 30 November to get new East African Community (EAC) biometric passports if they want to be able to leave the country. Travel on the old passports is set to end on this date, as per an agreement across the bloc.
The EAC is the sub regional economic and political bloc of six countries in East Africa, plus the Democratic Republic of Congo which was officially admitted to the group this year.
“Pursuant to the decision by the EAC Council of Ministers meeting held in Arusha (Tanzania) from 22 to 29 November 2021, the deadline for phasing out of the old generation passport for all EAC members states is November 2022,” a portion of the press release reads.
“In line with this decision, the Directorate of Immigration Services wishes to inform the general public that Kenya is bound to migrate fully to the new East African Community biometric e-passport by 30 November 2022. Kenyans are therefore hereby advised to acquire the new biometric e-passport to avoid any inconveniences,” the release concludes.
Meanwhile, as part of efforts by the government to facilitate the production of the EAC passport, more control centers have been established by the immigration services to ensure smooth and speedy delivery of the travel documents, according to reporting by Kenya’s state broadcaster, KBC.
Biometrics are often controversial in Kenya, most recently with issues around the use of biometric voter kits in the country’s recent general elections.
Russia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry has announced that the issuance of 10-year validity biometric passports for Russians abroad has resumed after technical issues with the system forced a hiatus.
According to a media message from the ministry, the process recommenced on 20 September and applications for the document are being accepted in all of the federation’s diplomatic missions and consular services around the world.
The message says appropriate measures are in place to ensure a steady workflow for the enrollment and issuance of the travel document.
A malfunction with Finland’s biometric passport distribution system has seen about a hundred copies of the travel credential delivered to the wrong addresses, reports Yle.
The National Police Board said recently that a batch of 550 passports was affected by the mail sorting error, with Board Chief Inspector Juhani Ruutu saying some of the passports were immediately recalled as soon as the problem was discovered.
Authorities have called on citizens who picked up the wrong passport to return them. Biometric Update
The Democratic Republic of Congo says it is ready to welcome regional troops to start a planned operation against rebels who have caused civilians untold suffering.
The first contingent to arrive under this arrangement will be the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF), who have since last week been deploying their logistical support systems.
DRC President Félix Tshisekedi says Kenyan soldiers will "soon" arrive in the DRC as part of the East African Community regional force that will help DR Congo fight insecurity in North and South Kivu, and Ituri provinces
“I told you that the force is being deployed. The Burundians are already there in South Kivu,” he said in New York, on Monday, where he has been attending the 77th UN General Assembly.
“For the Kenyans, in my opinion, it is a matter of days. They are going to enter via Bunagana, for your information. So, it's being deployed little by little, depending on the means. That is why we were here and why we made contacts; it was to sensitise donors to support this regional force.”
The Kenyan contingent will enter the DRC by tackling a hot zone in Bunagana, near the border with Uganda. The area has been under the M23 rebels since June 14 in the group’s renewed fighting after a long lull.
Congolese Defence Minister Gilbert Kabanda said that the “East African regional force has been deploying materials through Uganda since September 19 via the Kasindi border.”
The regional forces are expected to be made up of contingents from Uganda, Kenya, South Sudan and Tanzania. Burundian forces have already been deployed in Congo, in the province of South Kivu, since August 15, under an earlier bilateral arrangement that has since been accommodated in the EAC Concept of Operations (Conops).
Eastern DRC is infested with hundreds of local and foreign armed groups. The DRC, which joined the East African Community in May, hopes to defeat insecurity and terrorism in its eastern provinces. Only Rwanda will not deploy its troops due to a simmering diplomatic row in which Kinshasa has accused Kigali of supporting M23 rebels, allegations that Rwanda denies.
The troops will initially be deployed for six months but their task will also involve marketing their presence to be accepted by local civilians who recently protested against peacekeepers from the UN (Monusco) for failing to tame rebel massacres.
Monusco is supposed to start departing the country as African countries ask for more focus to be turned on rebuilding the Congolese army and other national institutions.
At the UN General Assembly, Félix Tshisekedi again accused Rwanda of supporting rebels, but his counterpart Paul Kagame said: “It is no use casting aspersions on anyone. These challenges are not insurmountable. We can find solutions. These solutions would be much less costly in financial and human terms. The international community can help us solve this problem.”
“It has been proven that regional or bilateral initiatives make a big difference, whether in the Central African Republic or in the successful engagement of Rwanda and the Southern African Development Community to contain violent extremism in northern Mozambique. If this approach were properly tested in the DRC, as proposed by the Nairobi process (peace talks between the Congolese government and armed groups), it would make a difference,” added the Rwandan head of state.
For Bertrand Bisimwa, chairman of the M23, the Congolese president has chosen war over dialogue.
“When President Tshisekedi ignores the easy dialogue with his own citizens to embrace the meanderings of war, which is costly in every way and whose outcome is unknown, is this responsible? Are his objectives really pacifist or populist or electoral?” By PARTICK ILUNGA, Daily Nation
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