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Mahad Mohamed Salad has been appointed at Somalia's Director of National Intelligence and Security Agency, replacing Abdullahi Mohamed Ali.[Courtesy]
 

Former Somalia’s Director of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), Mahad Mohamed Salad, has been re-appointed to the same position. 

The re-appointment comes following an emergency Cabinet Meeting held on Saturday evening that resolved to replace the country’s head of state's intelligence agency.

His reinstatement is viewed as a strategic move by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to reassert control over Somalia’s embattled security apparatus, amid escalating domestic unrest and emerging regional tensions. 

According to the Cabinet, Salad’s re-appointment is crucial in countering a growing internal threat posed primarily by the militant group Al-Shabab.

Salad takes over from Abdullahi Mohamed Ali, popularly known as Sanbaloolshe, who was appointed to the position in April 2024.

This marks Sanbaloolshe’s third term as NISA director, having also served in 2014 and 2017. 

The Al-Qaeda-linked group, which has waged an insurgency against the federal government in Mogadishu for more than 16 years, has recently intensified its attacks, targeting senior security officials and key state installations.

“Salad’s return to NISA headquarters comes at a time when Somalia is grappling with a worsening diplomatic crisis and a highly politicised security and intelligence apparatus,” read part of a communique from the cabinet. 

The latest development unfolds just days after Mogadishu had a diplomatic flare-up with Kenya, following Nairobi’s decision to allow Somaliland to open a liaison office.

The inauguration, presided over by Somaliland’s President Abdirahman Abdillahi, has drawn criticism from Mogadishu, which considers Somaliland part of Somalia and rejects any move interpreted as recognising its independence.

Somalia’s cabinet expressed strong support for Salad’s leadership, reaffirming its commitment to strengthening Somalia’s security institutions while acknowledging Sanbaloolshe’s contributions during his latest tenure. 

Salad was first appointed as NISA Director General in August 2022 by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, a close political ally, shortly after the President assumed office.

At the time, he vacated his parliamentary seat, as required by Somalia’s constitution, to take up the intelligence role in which he served until April 2024, when he was removed from office without any explanation offered by the cabinet.

Following his removal, Somalia is said to have experienced heightened security threats, most notably the attempted assassination of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud on March 18, 2025, when Al-Shabab militants targeted his convoy with a roadside bomb in the heart of Mogadishu.

Salad is credited with significant reforms during his previous tenure, including modernising NISA’s operations.

A major milestone was the passage of the National Intelligence and Security Agency Law in 2023, which replaced outdated legislation inherited from the defunct National Security Service.

The new law clarified NISA’s mandate and introduced accountability measures aimed at protecting citizens’ rights while safeguarding national security.

The new spy boss is also recognised for cultivating strong international intelligence partnerships. In 2023, he visited the United States for talks with the CIA, FBI, and Pentagon on counterterrorism cooperation.

He has also fostered working relationships with Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s intelligence agencies, two critical regional allies of the Somali government.

In November 2022, Salad signed a counterterrorism and intelligence-sharing agreement with Ethiopia’s intelligence chief, Temesgen Tiruneh.

His tenure was also marked by enhanced domestic coordination, particularly in counterinsurgency efforts in Mogadishu and Somalia’s southern regions.

He is widely credited with dismantling several Al-Shabab sleeper cells embedded within key state institutions.

Before joining the intelligence leadership, Salad held several senior government positions, including Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2014 and State Minister for Presidential Affairs in 2015.

He also represented Dhusamareb in the federal parliament for more than a decade, resigning to accept his appointment to NISA. By Patrick Vidija | The Standard

The Mission is urging the country’s leadership to intervene and deploy security services to address the situation

The United Nations Mission in South Sudan is deeply concerned about escalating intercommunal violence in Tonj East, which has caused hundreds of deaths, the destruction of homes and widespread displacement. 

The Mission is urging the country’s leadership to intervene and deploy security services to address the situation.

Since December 2024, Tonj East, in Warrap State, has been plagued by a series of violent incidents, including cattle raiding and revenge attacks involving large numbers of armed youth from neighbouring communities. In March, more than 200 people are estimated to have died during the intercommunal conflict.

Over the past few days, there has been another surge of violence, driven by attempts to recover stolen cattle and revenge for the previous loss of lives. This has resulted in more than 80 casualties, although the numbers are yet to be verified.

“Urgent intervention is needed from the national Government to prevent the conflict from escalating to catastrophic levels and to bring communities together to peacefully resolve grievances,” said the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General (Political), Guang Cong.

UNMISS is intensively engaging with state and local leaders to calm the situation and has increased its peacekeeping patrols. However, peacekeepers are experiencing significant challenges reaching some of the affected areas, due to a proliferation of checkpoints manned by armed youth.

“While UNMISS is doing its utmost to deter further mobilization and conflict, the Government is primarily responsible for protecting civilians and we, therefore, encourage the Government to rapidly deploy security services to prevent further violence and create a safe environment for community dialogue and peacebuilding,” said Mr. Cong.

 

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS).

Renowned Kenyan author Prof Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o.[File, Standard]
 

Ngugi wa Thiong’o can easily be called the Chinua Achebe of Eastern Africa or Shakespeare of the same, but with less inclination to plays.

For decades, he defined our literature in school and leisure reading. His books had catchy titles; The River Between, Petals of Blood, A Grain of Wheat and Gíkúyú titles like Caitani Mutharabainî (Devil on the Cross) or Ngaahika Ndeenda (I Will Marry When I Want). We can’t forget Matigari ma Njirúngi, loosely translated from deep Gíkúyú, bullet survivors.

It’s his affinity for writing in Gíkúyú that sets him apart from other writers. Some suggest that is why a Nobel Prize in literature escaped him.  Few can deny that writing in a local language was boldness; he was a rebel with a cause.

Bold because not learning and speaking your mother tongue is now considered heroic among some Kenyan elites and pseudo-elites.

Ngugi, having grown up when the embers of the old order were still smouldering, must have appreciated the richness of the local languages, which are spoken from the heart, not the mouth. Think of proverbs and riddles. Ideally, proverbs and riddles are impossible to translate!

Ngugi must have met his grandparents and other sages who taught him the local language to a mastery level. Richard Leakey, like other anthropologists, knows the importance of local language in their research.

The Catholic Church used local languages to reach our hearts in evangelisation. As children, we were mesmerised by Italian priests talking in our local languages.

Ngugi's success in writing is based on something our generation has a shortage of - change. We define our change in technological terms. In Ngugi’s life, change was broader, more socio-cultural. 

He must have met his kinsmen wearing traditional clothes, eating traditional food and going through traditional ceremonies, long before imported religion and modernism took over. I still recall two neighbours who wore traditional clothes, including earrings - Wambui wa Jonah and Njoki wa Ngigie.

Ngugi went through colonialism and Mau Mau before uhuru. These were great changes, and chronicling them was his work. Change is as much a catalyst for writing as innovation and entrepreneurship.

In fact, one easy way to determine if Kenya is going through rapid or significant changes is if there is an outpouring of literary works. Remember Nigeria in the 1960s? England after the Industrial Revolution? France after Napoleon?

Ngugi left Kenya and lived in the USA for a long time, specifically in California. Yet another change! Even his marital life was full of changes. He was prolific to the end, to a ripe age of 87. I never had a chance to meet him despite sharing a high school.

What is his lasting legacy?

His books will outline him, read across oceans and generations. We could even start a whole course, Ngugism. His books define Kenya through the eyes of a participant observer. 

And despite being fictional, they were realistic. Reading his books was like talking to him. His characters were so real, you felt like you knew them.

And why not local languages that are spoken from the heart, not the mouth? That allowed him to be imaginative and choose words carefully without the restriction of a foreign language.

It’s such an affinity to local languages that spawned great Irish writers, from James Joyce to WB Yeats.  What if we had a Ngugi from each of several communities or tribes that make up Kenya? The word tribe is slowly disappearing, but not tribalism.

The best way to celebrate Ngugi wa Thiong’o is to nurture and support local languages, from Dholuo to Rendille, Turkana, Taita and the rest. That is part of the human heritage.  And the most complex. Why do we speak different languages? How do babies learn them so easily?

The beauty about local languages is that they do not stop us from learning English, Swahili and foreign languages. More languages give us windows to new experiences and wisdom.

Indians, Jews, Chinese or Japanese still go to Ivy League universities speaking their mother tongues. Why do we deny our children that privilege?

There is no evidence that talking only English will make you more competitive in the job market. It could be the opposite, narrowing your perspectives and experiences. 

My encounter with elderly men who can’t read or write has convinced me that local languages are powerful and conceal a lot of wisdom.

Can we honour Ngugi by starting programmes to teach and enrich local languages in our universities? Why can’t I take a Bachelor of Science in Kamba, Maa, Giriama or any other Kenyan language? By  Xn Iraki, The Standard

The United Arab Emirates has launched a new humanitarian initiative in the Republic of Chad to support Sudanese refugees, with 3,000 food packages distributed across the Dougui, Alacha, and Abougoudam refugee camps. 

The project was implemented in coordination with the Ministry of Social Action, Solidarity, and Humanitarian Affairs, and Chad’s National Commission for the Reception and Reintegration of Refugees and Returnees (CNARR), as part of a comprehensive cooperation framework aimed at alleviating the suffering of refugees and meeting their vital needs.

The relief initiative supported 15,000 Sudanese refugees across three primary camps: Dougui camp received 1,500 food packages, benefiting 7,500 individuals; Alacha camp received 1,300 packages for 6,500 people; and Abougoudam received 200 packages to support 1,000 individuals. The project aims to cover essential needs for an entire month, strengthening food security and improving living conditions.

The initiative also included the deployment of a medical team to Abougoudam camp to provide healthcare services, addressing vital humanitarian requirements amid ongoing challenges.

His Excellency Rashid Saeed Al Shamsi, UAE Ambassador to Chad, said: “This endeavor is part of the UAE’s humanitarian and development approach, which places the welfare and dignity of individuals at the forefront. Furthermore, the project underscores the UAE’s steadfast commitment to supporting those affected by crises and conflicts, particularly in regions experiencing mass displacement and severe humanitarian challenges.”

His Excellency added: “This important undertaking reflects the UAE’s sustained and extensive efforts to bolster the socio-economic well-being of host communities in Chad. These initiatives foster social cohesion and humanitarian solidarity by providing essential aid supplies that ensure decent livelihoods, address regional displacement challenges, and support vulnerable populations globally. Our aim is to enhance the humanitarian and living conditions of refugees through direct assistance and international cooperation.”

As part of its broader commitment to providing medical care for Sudanese refugees, the UAE has also established three field hospitals in neighbouring countries: two in Amdjarass and Abéché in Chad, and a third, Madhol Hospital, in the Republic of South Sudan. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Arab Emirates, Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Indian billionaire businessman and Adani Group founder Gautam Shantilal Adani at a past function.

The Adani Group has been hit with a fresh scandal, barely months after Kenya pulled the plug on two major investment deals with the conglomerate.

Indian business tycoon Gautam Adani is facing a new headache after a media report linked his company to the alleged shipment of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) from Iran - a country which is facing a string of sanctions. 

US media outlet The Wall Street Journal reported on Monday, June 2, that tankers exhibiting suspicious patterns had travelled between the Gulf and Adani’s Mundra Port in western India.

The report further said the suspicious activities linked with the tankers are very common in sanction-dodging operations. This has reportedly prompted the US Justice Department to review the activities of several LPG tankers, which are alleged to be involved in shipping cargo to Adani's flagship company.

In the wake of the report, which threatens to further dent Adani's image, the company has hit back by strongly denying the claims while slamming the WSJ's report as malicious.

“The WSJ story is baseless and mischievous. We categorically deny any deliberate engagement in sanctions evasion or trade involving Iranian-origin LPG,” Adani Group insisted in a statement through a stock exchange filing. 

According to the group, they were not aware of any investigations by US authorities on the allegations.

To further clean up its image, the Adani Group also emphasised its strict internal policies, reiterating that the company does not handle cargo originating from Iran.

The statement added: “Due diligence and KYC checks are done on all LPG suppliers to ensure they are not on the US sanctions list,” Adani added. “We do not own, operate, or track the vessels mentioned and cannot comment on ships we have not contracted or controlled.”

The fresh allegations come at an extremely sensitive time for the Adani group, which is still recovering from legal trouble with US prosecutors last year. In November 2024, Gautam Adani and his nephew Sagar Adani, were indicted in the US over bribery claims and allegations of misleading investors. 

This scandal had ripple effects reaching as far as Kenya, as President William Ruto swiftly cancelled two highly controversial deals between the government and the Adani Group after the scandal.

One of the deals that was scrapped was a KSh 240 billion (USD1.85 billion) plan to upgrade and manage the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) for 30 years. The other deal, a KSh 96 billion (USD 736 million) contract with the Ministry of Energy for the construction of power lines, was also tossed out.

Recently, Nelson Amenya, the man who famously blew the whistle on the Kenya's potential partnerships with Adani, sounded the alarm over an alleged new arrangement between the government and a company in the Middle East.

The whistleblower, who has been under the radar in recent months, emerged with explosive sentiments as he claimed there were plans by the government to hand over control and rights of a key airport to a firm from Dubai. by Rene Otinga , Kenyans.co.ke

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