Two former Officers Commanding Station (OCS) from Central and Kamukunji Police Stations yesterday gave detailed testimony in the ongoing inquest into the death of 29-year-old activist Rex Masai, who was  fatally shot during the anti-Finance Bill protests in Nairobi last year.

Chief Inspector Moses Mutayi Shikuku, then OCS at Central Police Station and currently Deputy Police Commander for Juja Sub-County, appeared alongside his former counterpart, Robert Mugo Rono of Kamukunji Police Station, before Milimani Law Courts. They were summoned to account for their deployments and actions on the day Masai was killed.

The late activist was shot on June 19, 2024, in the Central Business District (CBD) as protests against the Finance Bill turned chaotic. His death sparked national outrage and renewed scrutiny over police operations during public demonstrations. 

Giving evidence before trial magistrate Geoffrey Onsarigo, Shikuku confirmed that both uniformed and undercover police officers were deployed across major hot spots within the city on the day of the incident.

“We deployed plainclothes officers, some of whom were armed, in areas such as Jeevanjee Gardens, Muindi Mbingu Street, University Way, Globe Roundabout, River Road, and Tom Mboya Monument,” he testified. 

Shikuku stated that while he could not recall the exact number of undercover officers deployed, he confirmed that Police Constable Isaiah Ndumba Murangiri, one of the officers linked to the fatal shooting, was part of the undercover team.

“Murangiri was among those in civilian clothes coordinated from the division. As for officers Geoffrey Kamau and Geoffrey Kigen, I cannot recall if they were deployed that day,” Shikuku told the court.

He admitted that some plainclothes officers took instructions from more senior officials above his command, but declined to name who authorised their deployment. Although he had operational command, certain decisions were issued from the regional police headquarters.

On the use of live ammunition, Shikuku said, “I cannot confirm if live rounds were used. Firearms are issued from the armoury, but I was in the field early and did not verify the arms register that day. To my knowledge, no live ammunition was discharged.”

Court records showed that 280 officers returned their firearms on 20 June. Shikuku maintained that none reported having used live ammunition. 

He recounted that around 7pm on June 19, he was informed by Inspector Njeru from Ngara Police Station that someone had been taken to Bliss Hospital with a serious leg injury.

“I told him to proceed and check. He later informed me that the individual had died,” said Shikuku.

The Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) subsequently took over the matter, which was initially recorded as a case of “sudden death.” 

However, confusion arose in Shikuku’s testimony regarding the nature of Masai’s injuries. He initially mentioned a wound to the neck, but later clarified that the official report stated a leg injury.

Shikuku defended the police response, claiming that demonstrators turned violent and attacked officers. By Nancy Gitonga , The Standard

Shaw Deputy Headteacher Steve Hill has returned from his latest inspiring and action-packed trip to Uganda, where he completed the Uganda Marathon for the seventh time and played a key role in helping several transformative community projects.

The Uganda Marathon, held annually in the town of Masaka, is known not only for its physically demanding course, but for its deep roots in community development. 

Participating in this extraordinary event for the seventh consecutive time, Steve continues to embody a commitment to endurance, service, and global citizenship.

Speaking about the experience, he said: "Running the marathon is always an incredible challenge, but the real reward is the time spent with local communities and seeing the difference the charitable support makes first-hand."

A key focus of the trip was visiting the many projects that Team Hill Charitable Trust supports throughout the region. 

Much of the visit was dedicated to supporting local schools and education initiatives - from building a chicken coop, undertaking building work, painting classrooms, helping to organise a sports day and engaging directly with hundreds of pupils and teachers, the Deputy Headteacher took an active and heartfelt approach to every opportunity.

"Education is a powerful force for change, and it’s been incredibly moving to see how Team Hill’s ongoing support is helping schools thrive despite significant challenges," Steve added.

With each trip to Uganda, Steve’s relationship with the community deepens - something his is very keen to share with pupils and staff back at St Joseph’s Primary School in Shaw 

As he reflected on this latest journey, Steve is already looking ahead.

He added: "It’s humbling to be welcomed back year after year.

"Uganda feels like a second home and I’m already planning the next adventure.

"There’s still so much to do and it’s a privilege to be part of something so meaningful." By Oldham Evening Chronicles

By Abdi Halim M. Musa

A Legal and Historical Appeal for International Recognition

For over three decades, the Republic of Somaliland has maintained its peace, built a democratic state, and governed with stability in one of the most volatile regions in the world. Yet, its rightful claim to international recognition remains unrealized not due to a lack of merit, but due to political inertia and misunderstanding of its legal foundation.

Somaliland is not attempting to secede from Somalia. Rather, it is restoring the sovereignty it lawfully attained on 26 June 1960, when it became an independent nation following British Protectorate. At that time, Somaliland was formally recognized by over 30 countries, including five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. Its independence was complete, unconditional, and internationally validated.

Shortly after, Somaliland voluntarily entered into a proposed union with the Trust Territory of Somalia (administered by Italy). However, this union was never finalized through a ratified legal agreement. There was no signed Act of Union between the two states, no harmonized constitution, and no public referendum in Somaliland approving such a union. Legally speaking, the proposed merger lacked substance and enforceability. This absence of binding legal documentation means Somaliland never surrendered its sovereignty.

According to the principle of international law—particularly the doctrine of state continuity—a sovereign entity that has been recognized and has not lawfully relinquished its independence retains the right to restore its original status. Somaliland is not seeking to break away; it is reclaiming the legal identity that was submerged under an unratified and ultimately failed political arrangement.

The withdrawal from this union in 1991, after years of systemic marginalization and state-sponsored violence under the Siad Barre regime, was not only justified but necessary. Somaliland’s decision to reassert its sovereignty was driven by a desire to protect its people, restore law and order, and uphold the will of its citizens. Since then, Somaliland has demonstrated, in both word and deed, its capacity to function as a legitimate state. No binding treaty or principle of international law compels a nation to remain imprisoned in a failed political union.

It has defined borders, a permanent population, and an effective government—all criteria outlined in the 1933 Montevideo Convention. It has held multiple democratic elections, passed its own constitution, and established independent institutions. In 2001, a national referendum saw 97% of the population vote in favour of restoring its original independence. Somaliland is not just a functioning de facto state; it has met every legal requirement to be recognized as a de jure state under international law. This is not just a functioning state in practice; it is a nation by law and by right.

The recognition of Somaliland is not unprecedented. Cases such as Eritrea, Kosovo, South Sudan, and the Baltic states provide ample legal and diplomatic precedents for acknowledging sovereign claims based on state continuity or remedial separation. Somaliland’s case aligns with these examples not as an act of rebellion, but as a restoration of a historical and legal identity that was never legitimately surrendered.

Moreover, Somaliland’s role in regional security and stability is indisputable. It lies on one of the world’s most strategic maritime corridors and has proven itself a key player in counterterrorism and anti-piracy efforts. Unlike Somalia, which continues to grapple with internal conflict and governance challenges, Somaliland is a model of self-reliance and responsible statehood.

To continue withholding recognition is to undermine international legal standards and reward instability over order. It denies a peaceful, democratic people their rightful place in the global community and perpetuates a fiction that benefits no one. It is time for the international community to act with courage and principle to acknowledge Somaliland’s legitimacy and bring an end to this long-standing legal and moral oversight.

Recognition of Somaliland is not a political gift; it is a legal obligation, a democratic affirmation, and a strategic necessity. The world must honour what Somaliland already is: a sovereign state in practice, in principle, and in the eyes of its people. 

The world must now meet Somaliland not with hesitation, but with respect. Not with denial, but with dialogue. Not with vague reassurances, but with decisive recognition.

The time to recognize Somaliland is not in the future—it is now.  The Writer is a Political & Economic Analyst | Former Deputy Minister, Ministry of Commerce, Republic of Somaliland

Questions are multiplying about the role of military-appointed prime minister Kamil Idris and his ties with Islamist activists vying for control of the government in the east 

New Prime Minister Kamil Idris’s decision to dissolve the government in preparation to form a new cabinet breaches the 2020 peace agreement, according to some political parties, including the Justice and Equality Movement. 

Appointed on 31 May, Idris is the first civilian prime minister since Abdalla Hamdok resigned in 2022, and the collapse of the Transitional Government that took office as a result of the Juba peace accord (AC Vol 63 No 19, Junta's double-talk on transition). Hamdok told Africa Confidential in Marrakech that he totally rejects Idris’s appointment, adding that most states in the African Union would vote against the readmission of Sudan to the AU as long as it stays under military rule.

JEM’s political secretary Mutasim Ahmed Saleh warned that dissolving the government ‘threatens the credibility of commitments to peace parties and weakens trust in the political transition process’.

Under the Juba deal, JEM was assigned the finance and social welfare ministries, as well as several government bodies, including the Social Security Fund and the Tax Authority.

A former civil servant with the UN at the World Intellectual Property Organization, Idris’s career has been peppered with disputes. Some have accused him of corruption. His bid to run against former President Omer Ahmed Hassan el Bashir as an independent candidate in 2010 was widely seen as a ploy on behalf of the Islamists to make the highly-orchestrated elections look more credible.

That also positioned Idris as a useful apparatchik for Beshir and his Islamist supporters. Given the growing political and military influence of Islamist groups over the current regime in Port Sudan and Khartoum, this raises alarms about Idris’s credibility.

Idris’s appointment is widely seen as an attempt by Sudan Armed Forces leader General Abdel Fattah el Burhan to legitimise a SAF-dominated government in Khartoum. Idris has announced the launch of a comprehensive national dialogue, and has held talks with Shamsaldin al Kabbashi, a member of the Transitional Sovereign Council and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Army (AC Vol 64 No 2, History won't repeat itself). By Africa Confidential