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My first-experience of Rwanda was while serving with the UN in the months after the horrific civil war and genocide of 1994. In the months preceding July, 1994, the Tutsi minority ethnic group, moderate Hutu and Twa, were brutally murdered by armed Hutu militias. In the immediate aftermath, a community leader from the Tutsi (himself living clandestinely in fear of his life in Kigali) told me, “It was a hundred days of mass murder and unparalled bestiality of man against man, mass rape and attacks on women, and followed tens of hundreds of days of covert attacks and underlying mass fear, when everyone in Rwanda had sleepwalked into such wholescale atrocity”. I returned for several subsequent elections, including that of July 2024. 

In polls that were immediately criticised for disqualifying genuine opposition, the incumbent President Kagame, was ostentatiously elected for a fourth term. If the figures provided by the Rwandan Electoral Commission can be believed, Kagame got over 99% of the vote and a 98.2% turnout. He was then ceremoniously inaugurated to continue his rule on 11 August. This writer spoke to a motley crew of what might count as political opposition, in the wake of this apparently unanimous victory. As you might expect the opposition were angry and unconvinced. One person told me under conditions of secrecy:

We are worse than a dictatorship – this man does not even have any immediate succession plan and the only way he would ever be stopped is with a bullet- the same way he forced his way into power. Things have never been so far, and it breaks our hearts to know there is no hope.

As another opposition figure acknowledged at our closed-door meeting in a church hall, Kagame was methodical in securing his power: 

A referendum in 2015 approved constitutional amendments that would allow him to run for a third term in office in 2017, as well as shortening presidential terms from seven to five years. This was a kind of camouflage to weaken the secrecy in which the incumbent was effectively stealing his way to stay in control for good.  Again, nothing was done about it. He  openly told the French Ambassador in the presence of the French Press that he intended to run for president yet again in the 2024 election, despite having already served three terms in office, and there was only the feeblest of objections. Even the EU said very little at the time.

A prominent Tutsi statesman summarised the situation which the latest election now consolidated:

Kagame’s rule is not only authoritarian it is absolute and with the July 2024 election he has taken another step towards positioning himself as yet another of the old-style African leader-for-life that most of us thought were largely ghosts of a bitter past. One of the leading objective analysts, Freedom House, describe Kagame as an autocrat ordering relentless levels of surveillance, intimidation, torture and renditions or suspected assassinations of exiled dissidents. Another top international body, Human Rights Watch show the widespread extent to which Kagame’s forces have “arrested and threatened political opponents.

Freedom House described the July 2024 elections in Rwanda as entirely flawed, citing “widespread ballot stuffing, political intimidation, the elimination or silencing or arrest of blocking of opposition leaders and systematically undemocratic practices. Kagame had announced his Presidential bid on 20 September 2023 , declaring “I am happy with the confidence that the Rwandans have shown in me. I will always serve them, as much when I can”. Kagame’s campaign was endorsed by all of Rwanda’s ruling government coalition, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), including the Ideal Democratic Party, the Democratic Union of the Rwandan People, the Prosperity and Solidarity Party, and the Rwandan Socialist Party. He was also endorsed by the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. 

Just before the election, the activist Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza reminded Rwandans, “that while recognising Kagame’s achievements while President, his greatest achievement would be stepping aside to let a peaceful transfer of power take place”. In the few years preceding this, Kagame had done everything possible to undermine Ingabire’s credibility with imprisonment, an alleged smear campaign, police intimidation of her party base and numerous alleged dirty tricks which made Ingabire look politically inept. Worse still, her potential voter base experienced mixtures of the Rwandan state’s administration crude attempts to persuade them to endorse Kagame.

Ingabire had been convicted in 2010 for threatening state security and downplaying the Rwandan genocide by asking why no Hutu victims were included in the state’s official memorial. There was a large-scale if sometimes subtle campaign to undermine her political influence, culminating in her being formally excluded from running on 13 March 2024. I had the opportunity to speak to Ingabire just after the election results were declared:

These results were exactly what everyone expected to hear but not in their heart of hearts what the Rwandan people wanted to hear. True Rwandans do not want this charade of a governmental stability dressed up as a man of benign dictatorship. Believe me, there’s absolutely nothing benign or charitable about Kagame. The man is a Putin, another Idi Amin….a thug. He is every bit as bad as any of the dictators who have exploited Africa over all of these years in all but his capacity to keep his dark deeds largely out of the papers- because he has sacked or arrested most of the newspaper editors. And yet the international community, including France, will continue to work with him if for no other reason than they consider that at this time there is no realistic alternative to him – and that is only because in a cunning way he has eliminated all credible opposition- and silenced those who would offer an alternative opinion. And if anyone seeks to oppose that party line they are immediately thrown in prison for treason or anti-state activity. It is like some old-style African dictatorship like the return of an Adi Amin except that he is much more cleaver in covering his tracks.

On 7 June the Rwandan electoral commission confirmed Kagame, Frank Habineza and Philippe Mpayimana, an independent, as the final candidates for the presidential election, a re-run of 2017. The applications of six other candidates, including Diane Rwigara of the People Salvation Movement, were rejected.  The Independent dubbed his election as “widely criticised as unfair”, while Amnesty International regretted the “a chilling effect” of Kagame’s censorship laws.

During the 2024 election campaign Kagame had pledged to continue his policies upon re-election. Opponent, Habineza opposed arbitrary detentions under Kagame. Another “rival” Mpayimana had said he offered  “political maturity” in the country. With the election results declared, Ms Ingabire continued, “the question now remains [whether] he will now start to devise a succession plan with his cronies, or will be so greedy that he will just change the law to allow him to lead until he is ready for his grave”.               Martin Duffy, E -International Relations

 

Turkish doctors perform the keloid mass removal surgery in Jinja, Uganda, Sept. 28, 2024. (AA Photo)

Ugandan patient had a 5-kilogram (11.02-pound) keloid mass removed during a health event organized by the Friends of All Africa Association (TADD). This event was in cooperation with the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Uganda’s Ministry of Health.

A volunteer medical team from Türkiye, including doctors, nurses, anesthesia technicians, and civil society members, provided free examinations and surgeries to hundreds of Ugandans over 11 days. 

The 18-member group of specialists in general surgery, urology, ENT, gynecology, and plastic surgery examined approximately 1,500 individuals and performed nearly 100 surgeries. Among the patients was 39-year-old Muhammed Ramazan, from whom doctors removed the massive keloid mass weighing about 5 kilograms.

Professor Dr. Mehmet Dadaci, vice dean of the Faculty of Medicine at Necmettin Erbakan University and an expert in plastic and reconstructive surgery, described the keloid case as the largest he had ever seen. 

"We encountered a keloid of a size I have never encountered in my career,” Dadaci said. The 20-centimeter-long (7.87-inch-long) mass extended down from the patient’s neck and also affected the area behind his ears. Despite the usual preference for nonsurgical treatment of keloids, the team successfully excised the keloid mass, greatly improving the patient’s quality of life.

Keloids occur when the body’s healing mechanism continues producing scar tissue long after a wound has healed. Dadaci noted that such cases are particularly common among individuals of African descent. "The patient had lived with the mass for seven to eight years under difficult conditions, but he has now been freed from it,” he added.

TADD’s Ankara representative, Cuneyd Tiryaki, highlighted the broader significance of the surgery. "This operation not only improved the patient’s health but also his family life, work life and social integration,” Tiryaki said, noting that without intervention, the patient would have faced lifelong struggles due to financial constraints and the shortage of medical staff in Uganda. "We believe this surgery has had a significant impact on the patient’s life, both before and after the procedure. We’re proud to have been part of such a meaningful effort.”

The patient was discharged following the successful procedure. By Anadolu Agency

At least five people were killed and four others sustained gunshot wounds in fighting between members of the clans of the Anin section of the Pakam community of Rumbek North County.

The revenge clashes on Friday followed the death at a hospital of a person wounded two years ago during the Fih and the Anin clash on Thursday.

 Police spokesperson Maj Elijah Mabor Makuac confirmed to Radio Tamazuj on Friday that five people were killed and four others were wounded in the fighting.

“We received information this morning that fighting erupted between two sub clans of the Anin, residing here in Rumbek Central County,” he said.

“The fighting took place at Amer Village and spread to Mathiang Village,” he added.

“The first information we received was that three people were killed and three others were wounded, but this afternoon we received information from our forces that the death toll was between three and five people and four others wounded,” Makuac said.

He said security forces were still on the ground and had reported managing to disperse the warring parties.

The reason for the fighting, Makuac explained, was revenge for someone who was shot two years ago and was under medical care, but unfortunately died and the relatives immediately sought revenge.

He appealed to communities to refrain from any kind of revenge attacks.

The Lakes State Civil Society Network Chairperson, Angelina Adhel, condemned the fighting and said it was a warning to the government to maintain a security alert.

Adhel urged the Lakes State Government to heighten the security surveillance, especially in the cattle camps where flare-ups were common. By RUMBEK NORTH, Radio Tamazuj

Azimio leaders led by Kalonzo Musyoka, address journalists at a Kitengela hotel shortly after they called off two political rallies citing security reasons. [Peterson Githaiga, Standard]

Azimio leaders on Sunday cancelled last-minute rallies that had been lined up in Kitengela and Mlolongo. Wiper Party leader Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka said the move to abruptly call off the rallies was reached after consultations following security concerns.

Addressing a press conference at a Kitengela hotel, Kalonzo who was accompanied by Democratic Action Party of Kenya (DAP-K) leader Eugene Wamalwa, Jubilee Secretary General  Jeremiah Kioni, former Kiambu governor Ferdinard Waititu, politician Jimmy Wanjigi and Kajiado deputy governor Martin Moshisho, said the presence of police officers in the area meant that the officers were ready to disrupt the rally and course chaos. 

"We had earlier planned to attend a Sunday service at the African Inland Church (AIC) Mlolongo but the information we have is that  DCI officers has this morning (Sunday) stormed the church and warned the presiding pastor not to allow us there.  The same thing has happened at AIC Kitengela church where we intended to attend a service later'' said Kalonzo. 

The Wiper leader accused President William Ruto of trying to intimidate those who are against his leadership.

"We are peaceful people, and therefore we don't want to subject the people of Kitengela to chaos and teargas. Our intention is very clear that the people of Kenya are not happy with his leadership, I wonder why they are following us every where we go and for what reason," posed Kalonzo.

The opposition leaders were in the area to to console the  Kitengela three - Bob Njagi, Jamil Longton and his brother Longton Aslam - who were allegedly abducted by police and later set free after being held incommunicado for one month. 

Kalonzo attributed the abductions to impunity by rogue police officers who he claimed were on a mission to destroy the country’s future. Jamil and his brother Aslam were dumped in Gachie while Njagi was found in Thogoto on the night of September 19.

''We are here to condemn in the strongest terms possible the arrest of the three young men , Bob Njagi, Jamil  Longton and his brother Aslam. Although the police denied the act, we are asking who else in Kenya is allowed to have handcuffs, only the police and that's why we hold them accountable for this action,'' said the Wiper boss. 

“They are responsible for the attempt to diminish, dismember and destroy our beloved Republic's present and future.” he added.

According to Kalonzo, the acts of abductions were meant to systematically limit, abuse, and silence Kenyans' constitutionally guaranteed rights to free speech.

Following the abhorrible act, Kioni disclosed that the opposition is planning to seek justice at the international level. 

"We are going to seek intervention in an international court, we have advised our lawyer Mr Paul Mwangi to start the process,'' said Kioni.

Wamalwa condemned President William Ruto's leadership style claiming the Head of State was in the process of returning the country back to dark days when government critics were taken by the police never to be seen alive.

''We were told that Nyayo chambers were closed, we have now realized that the government has opened other torture chambers in  Nairobi and its environs where they hold people incommunicado, starve them almost to death, and when there's pressure from the public they dump them. We are here to condemn that and say we will not sit and watch this again,'' stated Wamalwa. By Peterson Githaiga, The Standard

CDF offends the devolved system of government, confusing the function assignment process and even taking over functions that belong to county governments. [File, Standard]

This week the High Court for the second time declared the CDF Act unconstitutional.

It goes to the ingenuity of Parliamentarians that this unconstitutionality was on a later version of the CDF Act, cleverly renamed National Government CDF, the 2013 version having been declared unconstitutional by the High Court, the Court of Appeal and finally by the Supreme Court in 2022.

Why I say ingenious is that before the Courts concluded the first set of cases, Parliament had already amended the 2013 Act and was even arguing that the court should halt the proceedings since the Act before the court had already been repealed! 

Both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court would have none of that and insisted that despite the technical repeal of the previous Act, the substantive issues that had brought the Act before the courts were still alive in the amended law! 

But by then Parliament was using the new Act to continue the CDF process. This time Parliamentarians had cleverly disguised their role and appeared to be uninvolved with the management of the Fund.

The indefatigable Wanjiru Gikonyo had to start the journey of impugning the Act, the 2015 version all over again. But this time the courts have declared all versions, including the latest one passed in 2023 unconstitutional. It will be interesting to see Parliament’s new tricks; this is one issue Parliament considers a red line.

Until the introduction of a devolved system, CDF was one of the most popular decentralisation processes, introduced by government on the encouragement of the World Bank and IMF to blunt some of the more painful impacts of the Structural Adjustment Programmes. 

When introduced in 2003, it was the first time that money was allocated to Kenya based on statutory rule unlike the historical politics-based “siasa mbaya, maisha mbaya” allocations.

Though it was still a small fraction of the national budget, it was the first time parts of this country had seen evidence of government in development programmes, however micro. 

It thus became popular with people but even more popular with MPs who no longer had to foot all their constituency bills from their pockets, now they could promise a bursary here, a graded road here and some microwater project there.

It also became popular with the Executive; ministers were no longer the sole source of resources for MPs. But with the coming of devolution and the assignment of local development to county governments, CDF started its long journey to the grave. But MPs are addicted to CDF and like all addictions, it will not go away easily.

Parliamentarians will innovate ways to keep it alive. The challenge for MPs is the portion that makes it most attractive to them, which is their latent control of its operations, is what the courts find offensive. So, they are caught in catch 22 situation, to keep CDF they would have to remove from the Act the only reasons why they keep CDF! 

But ultimately CDF will have to go. It offends the devolved system of government, confusing the function assignment process and even taking over functions that belong to county governments.

It offends the separation of powers by making MPs executors and "oversighters.” It keeps MPs distracted from the most critical part of their functions, legislation and oversight over the Executive.

It indirectly makes constituencies another level of government for development purposes, while they constitutionally exist as political unit for representation. It has increased the clamour for all sorts of funds from legislators, Oversight Funds by the Senate, Affirmative Action Funds for Women Representatives and Ward Funds for MCAs.

All these funds have the same deficiencies CDF has only that they have not been challenged due to their minute sizes. At some point we will need to accept that we devolved and that this has consequences.

Any leader who wants to play an executive role should seek an executive role at either level of government.

They should allow those who want to be legislators only to go to Parliament. This dance with the courts is the kicks of a dying horse, it will go on for a while but the horse will give up the ghost sooner than later. -The writer is an advocate, The Standard

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