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South Africa has taken Israel to the International Court of Justice (ICJ, also known as the World Court) in The Hague claiming genocide has been committed against Palestinians during the Gaza conflict.

A charge of genocide before the court in the midst of a heated armed conflict is exceptional. Likewise, the significance of South Africa’s claim against Israel has immense cultural, diplomatic, historical, and political significance. Israel has rejected South Africa’s claim and vowed to contest the case against it. 

International court cases such as these typically run for many years before a final judgement is reached, however South Africa has also requested provisional measures – a form of international injunction – and preliminary hearings will take place in The Hague on January 11 and 12.

A decision on South Africa’s provisional measures request will most likely be made by the end of January with the potential to have a profound impact on Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.

Which laws are in question? 

The 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention) was adopted following the 1940s holocaust by the Nazi regime, which resulted in the deaths of six million Jewish people. 

The Genocide Convention was one of the most significant responses by the then fledgling United Nations to the holocaust. It was intended to clearly define genocide, prevent future genocides, and make nation states accountable for genocide.

There are a total of 153 parties to the Genocide Convention, including Israel and South Africa, and it is widely seen as one of the pillars of the United Nations human rights system.

States are accountable for genocide before the International Court of Justice, while individuals can be charged with the crime of genocide and placed on trial at the International Criminal Court.

 Genocide is defined in the Convention as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group” and extends to: 
  • killing members of the group, or causing serious bodily harm to members of the group
  • deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction
  • imposing measures to prevent births.

What is South Africa’s case about?

South Africa’s case against Israel under the Genocide Convention was commenced on December 29, 2023 following lodgement of an 84-page application instituting the proceedings.

South Africa has brought the case by relying on the principle that as a party to the Genocide Convention, it has an obligation to enforce legal rights owed to all people that genocide not be allowed. The claim could have been commenced by any other party to the convention, however, South Africa has been raising concerns about genocide in Gaza since October 30. 

The claim gives a historical context to Israel’s conduct in Palestine, recounts the Hamas terrorist attacks on October 7, and details Israel’s subsequent Gaza military operations. 

Particular attention is given to the actions and conduct of Israeli political and military leaders, especially their statements as to how Israel intended to respond to the Hamas attacks, and the extent and scale of Israel’s military operations and military objectives in Gaza.

South Africa then details Israel’s actual military conduct during the Gaza campaign and the consequences for Palestinian civilians. This conduct is linked directly back to acts of genocide as defined in the Genocide Convention.

South Africa’s court case takes two forms: a claim that Israel has committed genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, and the urgent request for provisional measures (international legal speak for expediting the process). 

South Africa has requested that the court order that Israel’s political and military leaders, and Israel’s military, immediately cease any activities that amount to an ongoing campaign of genocide against the Palestinian people. 

South Africa will need to prove, both in law and in facts, that the case is admissible, that the World Court has jurisdiction to hear this claim, and that the application is urgent, requiring orders to prevent irreparable harm.

Importantly at this stage, South Africa does not need to conclusively prove genocide has taken place. That comes at the later phase, called the Merits phase. South Africa does, however, need to demonstrate that Palestinians face irreparable harm and that, on the facts, Israel’s conduct could be considered to be acts of genocide.

Israel will no doubt robustly resist any assertion genocide is occurring and argue its political and military leaders are acting consistently with international law in response to the threat posed by Hamas. Particular attention will probably be given to Israel’s right of self-defence following the October 7 attacks. 

How do cases like these work? 

The International Court of Justice has been thrust into the middle of the Israel-Hamas conflict. However, it is not being asked to play the role of the United Nations Security Council and settle that dispute. The court’s role, as a United Nations organ, is purely to apply the Genocide Convention and international law.

It will, nevertheless, be acutely aware of the significance of its role, especially in the face of claims of an ongoing genocide. This has been reflected in how it has moved quickly to hear South Africa’s case. 

There are two potential outcomes from South Africa’s provisional measures request. The court may decline to order provisional measures. It may, for example, find it lacks jurisdiction and that South Africa’s case is inadmissible on technical legal grounds, or the facts do not support the claims made.

Or the court may uphold South Africa’s request and order provisional measures. Any provisional measures ruling against Israel would require a radical modification of Israel’s military operations in Gaza.

The court cannot, however, enforce its decisions. In 2022, for example, Russia ignored an International Court of Justice provisional measures order following its invasion of Ukraine. 

No matter what the court orders, Israel will retain its right of self-defence against Hamas.The Conversation Donald Rothwell, Professor of International Law, Australian National University Source: Wire

Three Commonwealth law associations have denounced President William Ruto’s onslaught on the Judiciary warning the move could erode confidence in courts.

The Commonwealth Magistrates’ and Judges’ Association (CMJA), the Commonwealth Legal Education Association (CLEA) and the Commonwealth Lawyers Association (CLA) said alleged cases of corrupt judicial officials should instead be subjected to the due process of the law.

“Whilst we recognize that there should be checks and balances in the relationship between the three organs of state, the CMJA, CLA and CLEA emphasize that any process of investigation must be founded in well-established principles of procedural and other fairness and must be transparent and open and must not be motivated by political or other inappropriate considerations,” the associations said in a statement shared on Friday.

The three associations asserted that the process should be seen to be open and fair, devoid of political interference in order to uphold the Constitution.

The Associations urged the government and public authorities of Kenya to respect the rule of law and comply with orders of the courts.

Further they called on the State to “cease making public criticism and attacks on the judiciary and ensure that any process of investigation is fair and free from undue influence.”

President Ruto has in recent weeks sustained his rhetoric against judicial officers he has characterized as corrupt, accusing judges who have issued injunctions against key government initiatives of working with corrupt individuals to frustrate what he terms as public interest project. Capital News

 

KIGALI, Jan. 11 (Xinhua) -- Burundi said Thursday that it had closed its border with Rwanda, nearly two weeks after President Evariste Ndayishimiye accused the neighbor of supporting rebels.

"We have closed our borders with Rwanda," Burundi's Minister of Interior, Community Development and Public Security Martin Niteretse was quoted by local media as saying on Thursday. The minister said his country was suspending diplomatic ties with Rwanda, closing their border and deporting Rwandan citizens.

In response, Rwanda's Office of the Government Spokesperson released a statement on Thursday evening, saying it regrets the unilateral border closure by Burundi.

"The government of Rwanda has learned through media reports of the unilateral decision by the government of Burundi to again close its borders with Rwanda. This unfortunate decision will restrict the free movement of people and goods between the two countries, and violates the principles of regional cooperation and integration of the East African Community," the statement said.

In late December, Ndayishimiye accused Rwanda of hosting RED-Tabara rebels who claimed responsibility for an attack on Dec. 22 in the border region between Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) that left 20 people dead and nine others injured.

The accusations were made in a live program on a local radio station on Dec. 29, during which Ndayishimiye said, "Members of this rebel group (RED-Tabara) are hosted, fed and taken care of by Rwanda. They are offered money and working offices by that country."

However, Rwanda rejected the accusations.

"The Rwandan government rejects comments by Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye alleging Rwandan support to Burundian armed rebel groups based in eastern DRC. Rwanda is not associated, in any way, with any Burundian armed group," said a statement from the Office of the Government Spokesperson.

"The government of Rwanda urges the government of Burundi to address its concerns through diplomatic channels where they can be amicably resolved," the statement said.

The RED-Tabara rebel group is based in eastern DRC and has been battling Burundi's government since 2015.

Burundi's border closure with Rwanda marks a recent escalation in tensions, but it is not entirely unprecedented. The two countries closed their borders in 2015 due to political turmoil and again during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, in 2020, the two sides began restoring their diplomatic relations, resulting in the reopening of the borders in 2022. - Xinhua

A photo of former Assistant Minister for Internal Security, Stephen Tarus, who was arraigned before a Ugandan anti-corruption court on January 10, 2024. 
 

Reports indicated that the politician was accused of illegally ferrying 13 kilos of gold into Uganda using forged documents. 

When translated into currency according to calculateme.com, the 13 kilos of gold amounts to Ksh134 million.

Following his arrest on January 6, 2024, Tarus was arraigned before a Ugandan anti-corruption court on Wednesday.  

The prosecution was handed seven days to complete investigations into the allegations with Tarus detained at Luzira Prison.

According to press reports, Tarus is expected to answer to charges of gold smuggling, fraud and forgery of URA documents including a payment of Ksh4.7 million in Kampala for the gold to be ferried into the country.  

Ugandan authorities, in a joint operation with Ugandan Revenue Authority (URA) officials, recently launched a crackdown to tame the vice that has been rampant in the region.

Tarus served as an assistant minister under the late President Mwai Kibaki's regime as well as Kenya's high commissioner to Australia between 2009 and 2012.

The 57-year-old also served as a Member of Parliament for Emgwen Constituency between 2003 and 2007.

The latest data from the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime shows that Uganda is an attractive market for illicit gold owing to its proximity to neighbouring countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Kenya and South Sudan. 

This was occasioned by corruption at weak border points, airports and porous borders hence making it easier for perpetrators to smuggle goods into the country.

The high-risk areas for illicit gold flows include the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya and Arua in Uganda. By Brian Kimani, Kenyans.co.ke

Electoral Commission chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama, and his deputy, Hajat Aisha Lubega

President Yoweri Museveni has reappointed Electoral Commission chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama, and his deputy, Hajat Aisha Lubega for another seven-year term.

Byabakama was first appointed chairperson of the commission in November 2016 and now in a January 5 letter to the speaker of parliament, Museveni has awarded Byabakama and Lubega another term in office. The new faces at the commission include Robert Kasule Sebunya, a former MP for Kyandondo North in the 9th parliament and later Nansana Municipality in the 10th parliament. Sebunya has been working as head of the delivery unit at the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM). 

The other new face is Dr Sallie Simba Kayunga, a political science lecturer at Makerere University. Museveni also appointed former Kioga county MP, Anthony Okello to join the commission. Museveni also reappointed former Kajara MP, Stephen Tashobya to the commission. He will serve his last term on the commission at the end of the seven-year term. Tashobya is a lawyer by profession.   

He was a member of the 8th and 9th parliament of Uganda. He rose to the limelight at parliament especially when he served as the chair of the legal and parliamentary affairs committee. Also reappointed is Pamela Etonu Okudi, who has been acting head of administration at the commission. She previously worked at the National Forestry Authority (NFA).     

The commission is expected to immediately continue the implementation of the strategic plan whose implementation began from FY 2022/23–2026/27. It should take up the process of planning for and administration of the 2025/2026 general elections. 

The implementation of the strategic plan which includes the 2025/26 general elections roadmap, was estimated to cost Shs 2.41 trillion. The 2026 general elections have been scheduled between January 12 and February 10, 2024. 

The outgoing commission had documented some of the lessons based on a review of EC’s performance in the past 5 years. One of those is the need for increased focus on civic and voter education as well as the dissemination of information through the community. The lack of civic education was raised as an issue of concern during the last elections. 

The team also suggested the need to streamline the commission’s engagement with the National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA), ministry of Local Government and ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social Development concerning citizen data, creation of administrative units and workers register. By URN/The observer

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