Ministers have rowed back on plans to hike the earning threshold Britons need to bring foreign family members to live in the UK to £38,700.
Instead, the Government has confirmed plans to increase the threshold to £29,000 in the spring.
Home Secretary James Cleverly had announced the increase from £18,600 to £38,700 as part of a package of measures to curb legal migration.
But the move attracted criticism as it threatened to tear families apart, with many having their future thrown into doubt as the Government considered the details of the policy.
Home Office minister Lord Sharpe of Epsom confirmed the change of plans in answer to a written parliamentary question on Thursday.
The minister said that the current threshold of £18,600 allows 75% of the UK working population to bring their foreign family members into the country to live.
He added that increasing the threshold to £38,700 would limit the same right to 30% of the working population.
Lord Sharpe said: “In spring 2024, we will raise the threshold to £29,000, that is the 25th percentile of earnings for jobs which are eligible for Skilled Worker visas, moving to the 40th percentile (currently £34,500) and finally the 50th percentile (currently £38,700 and the level at which the general skilled worker threshold is set) in the final stage of implementation.”
The minister said the threshold would be “increased in incremental stages to give predictability”.
However, no date for when the threshold would rise beyond £29,000 was given in Lord Sharpe’s answer, nor did one appear in a Home Office paper published on Thursday detailing the plans.
The Prime Minister previously told MPs the Government was looking at “transitional arrangements” for changes to the thresholds to make sure they are “fair”.
The Liberal Democrats suggested the planned £38,700 threshold was “unworkable”.
The party’s home affairs spokesman Alistair Carmichael added: “This was yet another half-thought through idea to placate the hardliners on their own back benches.
“James Cleverly needs to put down the spade and stop digging. Decisions like this should be made by experts and politicians working together.
“He should also publish the advice from the Treasury and OBR (Office for Budget Responsibility) about the impact that his package of changes will have on the economy.” By David Lynch, Evening Standard
Health workers at Kotido General hospital have laid down their tools over salary unpaid salaries.
The hospital remained unattended on Wednesday as the medical staff decided to stop work, citing the prolonged delay in payment of their wages.
Speaking anonymously, the medics highlighted their financial strain, emphasizing that the lack of payment for the past three months has made it impossible to sustain their families and cover essential expenses. They attribute the situation to the failure of the district to fulfill its payment obligations.
Kotido district speaker Emmanuel Lodio explained that salary delays stemmed from poor data capture by negligent officers. The strike significantly impacted health service delivery, leaving numerous patients unattended. Lodio disclosed that they formally requested the ministry of Local Government's assistance to use the funds designated for hiring secondary school teachers to clear the salary arrears.
Kotido resident district commissioner Ambrose Onoria said after discussions they agreed to operate with a reduced staff to ensure essential services continue while the district actively works to resolve the problem. - URN/The Observer
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls on the authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to protect journalists and ensure they are free to report during the country’s presidential election, which is being held since 20 December. After a campaign that did not spare journalists, they must be protected during and after the election, RSF insists.
During the presidential election campaign, which was launched on 19 November and officially ended on 18 December, at least five journalists were threatened and attacked by politicians or their supporters, mainly in the eastern cities of Goma and Béni (in NorthKivu province) and in Bunia (in Ituri province). In Bunyakiri (in South Kivu province), reporters were denied access to public places and, therefore, from being able to do their job.
“It is deplorable to see journalists attacked or prevented from working when their reporting is essential to the electoral process. We call on the Congolese authorities to put an end to this kind of obstruction, to protect reporters and to allow them unrestricted coverage of the presidential election. The authorities must also take care not to cut off Internet access during and after the election, in order not to restrict the public’s access to information. We will also be waiting to see whether the incoming president takes a firm stance in support of press freedom, and undertakes to combat impunity for abuses against journalists.
Sadibou Marong
Director of RSF’s sub-Saharan Africa bureau
The latest incident was a few days ago, on 16 December. René Mobembo, the editor-in-chief of Liberté Makanza, a privately-owned radio station based in Makanza, in the northwestern province of Equateur, was violently attacked during a meeting of the Let’s Act for the Republic Party (AREP). Activists beat him on the orders of an AREP affiliated politician on the grounds that his radio station is owned by the current Defence Minister. Mobembo had to be taken to hospital.
A week before that, Mao Zigabe, the Digital Congo TV channel’s correspondent in Goma, was violently attacked by suspected members of the ruling Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS). On 5 December, four soldiers fired into the air outside the home of Radio Liberté reporter Nekyer Tokolo in Lisala (north) and threw four tear gas grenades into his home.
In the northern city of Kisangani, on 27 November, around ten members of the Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC) attacked Jerry Lombo Alauwa, a reporter for the Canal Congo Télévision channel and radio Liberté Kisangani, while he was covering a rally by opposition presidential candidate Moïse Katumbi. Alauwa was hit in the head, his hand was injured, and his camera was damaged.
John Kanyunuy, a reporter for Deutsche Welle’s Kiswahili service and editor of the “Nouvelles à la Une” WhatsApp news group, received online death threats on 25 November, from alleged members of the Sacred Union, a political group that supports President Félix Tshisekedi’s reelection campaign. They accused Kanyunuy of campaigning for Katumbi, an allegation he immediately denied. He told RSF that he is concerned for his safety and warned that he could be arrested because his journalistic independence “scares” some people.
Two days before that, on 23 November, a group of journalists who were covering Katumbi’s arrival in Bunia, were denied access to the airport by security forces, who had reportedly received “instructions from superiors in Kinshasa to allow no one in,” RSF was told. The same day, soldiers denied other journalists access to Goma airport, where Katumbi was holding a political meeting.
Poor record
Aside from the presidential campaign’s press freedom violations, President Tshisekedi’s five- year term has been marked by many serious abuses against journalists, included three murders, two enforced disappearances, many death threats, and at least 123 arbitrary arrests, including that ofStanis Bujakera, who continues to be held.
On 19 October, RSF issued an appeal to the 24 presidential candidates to make ten public undertakings to support press freedom and promote the safety of journalists in the DRC. Three have so far signed. RSF
Zanzibar's role as a trading hub emerged due to its strategic position along the maritime routes that connected the African Great Lakes, the Somali Peninsula, the Middle-East, and the Indian subcontinent. This positioning made it a natural base for traders, including those from India, seeking to engage in commerce across this vast region. Zanzibar's geographical location bridged diverse cultures and economies, including the flourishing civilizations of the Indian subcontinent.
The intricate connection between Zanzibar and India is a fabric woven, worn, and darned through centuries of historical, cultural, economic, and political interplay. The relationship between Zanzibar and India dates back to ancient times, rooted in the maritime activities of the Indian Ocean. The documented history of Zanzibar begins with its role as a base for traders voyaging between various regions, including the Indian subcontinent. Indian traders, known for their seafaring skills, were among the first to navigate these waters, reaching the East African coast, including Zanzibar, as early as the 1st century AD.
Merchants and agents from the western coast of India are noted to have visited Zanzibar in the course of prospecting trade with towns on the Swahili coast after sailing with the robust Monsoon winds, crossing the Arabian Sea and the Indian ocean. These early interactions established Zanzibar as a significant trading post in the maritime trade routes connecting it with the Indian subcontinent and laying the foundation for a robust trade network that would continue to proliferate and flourish for centuries.
By the medieval period, Zanzibar had become a pivotal point in the Indian Ocean trade network. Goods such as ivory, gold, and slaves from the African interior were traded for Indian textiles, spices, and other commodities. This trade fostered not only economic ties but also a cultural exchange, as Indian influences began to permeate Zanzibarian society. Zanzibar's commerce eventually came to be dominated by traders from the Indian subcontinent.
Under Omani rule, starting in 1698, Zanzibar's commerce increasingly fell into the hands of traders from the Indian subcontinent. Sultan Sayyid Said of Oman, who controlled Zanzibar in the first half of the 19th century, moved his capital from Muscat, Oman, to Stone Town in Zanzibar. Under his rule, the Omani Empire reached the zenith of its power and wealth, its influences spanning across the Strait of Hormuz to Iran, touching parts of modern-day Afghanistan and Pakistan. He encouraged settlers from the Indian subcontinent to reside on the island. This influx of Indian traders and settlers played a crucial role in shaping the economic and cultural landscape of Zanzibar.
Zanzibar served as an important hub in the Indian Ocean slave trade network, an equivalent to the Atlantic Triangular Trade, connecting to various regions including India. The Bantu-origin Siddi community of India whose population estimates vary from 20000 to 200000, is said to have largely been populated by immigrant slave-labourers, many of them arriving via Zanzibar. The unfortunate and deplorable practice scattered slave-labourers across West, South, and Southeast Asia in varied roles and capacities. Arab and Persian traders were prominent in the early phases of the trade, later joined by Indian and European (particularly Portuguese and Dutch) traders. With the advent of colonial powers, the oriental slave trade began to resemble its western counterpart by taking on morea attributes of the plantation or labor-camp model.
The Omani Sultan of Zanzibar's trade routes extended to what's now the states of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala in India, bringing commodities like iron, cloth, sugar, and dates from the subcontinent and exporting slaves and goods like ivory and spices from Zanzibar.
A significant portion of such trade was secondary – items were brought in from and further sold in markets well beyond Western coastal India and Eastern coastal Africa, often flowing to and fro Arab, European, and Chinese origins and destinations. Many goods made their way to and fro Indian and African inland markets and industries to their respective coasts and subsequently into the trade channels intersecting at Zanzibar. This turned the island into a rich, dynamic, vibrant, and bustling cosmopolitan hub – a tapestry woven and rewoven by coruscating threads of myriad crossing cultures.
This period saw a rise in plantation economies and the slave trade, with Indian traders becoming integral to these sectors. Thousands of Indians were a part of this trade as slave-traders, slave-shippers, and slave-buyers. The long, narrow-hulled sailing vessel 'dhow' that was the common choice of shipping slaves and goods across the Indian ocean, was generally made in Kerala in Southwestern India owing to the abundance of high-quality timbre, coir, and skilled shipwrights.
Dhows, even in modern times, continue to voyage commercially between the Persian Gulf and East Africa, propelled solely by sails. These traditional boats predominantly carry dates and fish to East Africa, while transporting mangrove timber to the Persian Gulf regions. Typically, they journey southward, riding the monsoon winds in winter or early spring, and then return to Arabia in the late spring or early summer.
The influence of Indian merchants during this era left a lasting imprint on Zanzibar's economic landscape. The cultural landscape of Zanzibar bears significant imprints of Indian influence, primarily due to the substantial Indian diaspora that settled in the region over the centuries. These settlers, mainly comprising of traders, entrepreneurs, and later, laborers, brought with them their customs, traditions, and religions, enriching Zanzibar's patchwork sociocultural milieu.
Zanzibar once had a notable Zoroastrian presence, evidenced prominently by a fire temple, now in ruins, that served as a spiritual center for worship and community events like weddings. The relics of Zanzibar's Zoroastrian heritage include movie reels and prayer books in the temple, indicating a time when the community was actively involved in local culture and commerce, such as running a cinema. The Mwaka Kogwa festival, the island's version of the traditional Zoroastrian New Year celebration Shirazi, is one of the few remaining traces of this ancient religion in Zanzibar.
The eponymous community celebrating this are a Bantu ethnic group also known as the Mbwera. Their oral traditions narrate the story of how they originated from the Shiraz region in Southwest Iran and migrated to East Africa around the 10th century. Most historians refute any historical substance to such myths but agree that it is likely that the group came into frequent contact with Persian traders and travellers at the time.
The legend goes that Sayyid Shah, a prince from Shiraz in Persia, sailed to the East African coast in the 7th century AD at a time when Zanzibar was uninhabited. He encountered and married the daughter of the sultan ruling Mombasa at the time. Shah then went on to establish the first permanent settlements in Zanzibar, becoming its first Sultan. Furthermore, it is said he began construction on Zanzibar's iconic Stone Town modeled on the architecture of his Persian homeland. Thus, Persian and Islamic influences became long intertwined with Zanzibar's identity from that mythic journey onward.
Shah's own dynasty, the Sayyids who claimed direct descent from him all the way to the 20th century Sultans, reinforced the island's supposedly historic Persian-origin lineage.
Most historians characterize the narrative of Sayyid Shah sailing from Persia as an origin myth of the Sayyid dynasty — an artifice to link their rule to Persian royal descent and legitimise their rule, further affirming it by affecting superficial connections through the use of cultural motifs. The legendary connection serves more as rich oral tradition to explain Persian cultural influences through imaginative mythology, rather than literal migratory history. Most experts conclude it is unlikely such a founding figure actually existed in the form depicted in the legends. More likely, Zanzibar developed slowly over centuries through the migrations, trade, and intermixing of various peoples - including Persians.
Notwithstanding the veracity of the legends, elements of Persian culture nonetheless endured over the centuries in customs, language, art and architecture. Stone Town's winding alleys and ornate carved doors in particular signify the legendary early heritage tying Zanzibar to Persia across continents through exploratory travel and trade.Parsis, a Zoroastrian community from India, had a prominent presence in Zanzibar since the early 19th century. The earliest records include a Parsi man involved in the slave trade in the 1830s and two Parsi trading agents noted by Richard Francis Burton in 1859. Maneckji Mistry, a trader from Surat, is recognized as the first Parsi settler in Zanzibar, arriving in 1845.
Barghash bin Said, an Omani prince and later Sultan of Zanzibar, played a crucial role in strengthening the Parsi presence in Zanzibar. During his exile in Bombay, Barghash interacted with Parsi intellectuals and was impressed by their skills and expertise. Upon becoming Sultan in 1870, he invited Parsi specialists to Zanzibar, significantly enhancing the community's role in the archipelago. In the 1870s, Barghash expanded trade with India, employing Parsis in important administrative roles. The Zoroastrian Anjuman was founded in 1875, and by 1882, the first Zanzibari priest arrived from India. Parsis occupied significant positions, including in public works and as the Sultan's personal physician.
Under British rule, Zanzibar adopted many Indian laws, and Parsis were key figures in the legal and administrative system on the island just as they were in the subcontinent. The community, although small, was influential and integrated well into the social fabric of Zanzibar, forming relationships with other Indian communities and participating prominently in sports and cultural activities.
The Parsi community in Zanzibar was known for its generosity and involvement in social causes, both locally and in India. They contributed to the National Indian Defence Fund during the 1962 India-China War, reflecting their strong ties with India.
The illustrious musical artist Freddie Mercury was born in 1946 in Stone Town. His parents, Bomi and Jer Bulsara, were Parsis with origins in the city of Bulsar (now Valsad) in Gujarat, India. Mercury, whose birth name was Farrokh Bulsara, spent much of his early childhood in India. In February 1963, he moved back to Zanzibar to join his parents. However, just over a year later, they were forced to flee from Zanzibar to England as violence erupted during the revolution against the Sultan and his Arab-dominated government. Hundreds of Indians lost their lives while thousands more lost their livelihoods and homes as they fled the unrest. The revolution led to the exodus of most Parsis from Zanzibar, marking a sad end to their significant presence on the island.
Parsis played a crucial role in shaping the cultural and commercial landscape of Zanzibar, with their influence extending from religious practices to significant contributions in administration, trade, and social welfare. The connection between Parsis and the India-Zanzibar relationship is marked by a rich history of cultural exchange, trade, and mutual influence, underscoring the intertwined destinies of these communities and regions
Zanzibar's Stone Town, a UNESCO World Heritage site, is a testament to the Indian influence on the island's architecture, characterized by intricate balconies, wooden doors, and ornate decorations. Similarly, Indian cuisine has become an integral part of Zanzibari food culture, with dishes like biryani and samosas being local favorites.
The economic relationship between Zanzibar and India has been driven primarily by trade. In the pre-colonial era, this trade was largely in the hands of private merchants. However, in the colonial and post-colonial periods, the governments of Tanzania and India have played a significant role in fostering economic ties.
In recent years, the economic relationship has diversified, encompassing areas such as technology transfer, investment, and development aid. Indian companies have invested in various sectors in Zanzibar, including tourism, agriculture, and information technology, contributing to the island's economic development.
The political relationship between Zanzibar and India has been shaped significantly by their respective colonial histories. Both regions experienced British colonial rule, which impacted their political trajectories. In the post-colonial era, India was one of the first countries to recognize Zanzibar after its revolution in 1964 and has since maintained a strong diplomatic relationship. As India looks to consolidate its position as a strategic developmental leader in the Indian Ocean, India and Zanzibar are set for renewed cooperation, wider ties, and closer engagement.
Tanzania on Thursday received a $1.1 billion financing package from World Bank, which will fuel inclusive growth across the nation and bolster urban services and climate resilience in the city of Dar es Salaam.
The package comprises two crucial components which is $750 million Development Policy Financing (DPF) and $385 million Dar es Salaam Metropolitan Development Project (DMDP) Phase 2.
This first package aims to ignite private sector led economic recovery by tackling structural challenges hindering growth. Reforms promoting a better business climate, strengthening state-owned entities (SOEs), and enhancing transparency are key areas of focus.
Whereas the second package will build on the success of the initial project, further upgrading Dar es Salaam's infrastructure and resilience. Climate-smart infrastructure, an integrated solid waste management system, and robust urban institutions are at the heart of this initiative.
World Bank Vice President for Eastern and Southern Africa Victoria Kwakwa commended Tanzania's commitment to reform and resilience, stating: "We applaud Tanzania's efforts towards inclusive, private sector driven growth amidst global challenges. We are committed to supporting Tanzania's reforms for immediate recovery and sustained economic progress."
The DPF addresses critical roadblocks to private-sector growth, including cumbersome business registration, limited access to credit, and public debt burdens. Additionally, it emphasizes social policies that promote inclusivity and economic resilience, laying a strong foundation for sustainable growth.
The DMDP Phase 2 prioritizes climate-smart infrastructure to mitigate the city's vulnerability to climate change. Improved mobility, livability, and resilience are key objectives, building upon the successes of the first phase, which benefited over 4 million people through road construction, flood protection, and informal settlement upgrades.
World Bank Country Director for Tanzania Nathan Belete highlighted the importance of climate action in Dar es Salaam: "Tanzania remains highly vulnerable to climate change, and the DMDP Phase 2 aims to fortify Dar es Salaam while enhancing its livability and resilience." The East African
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