National and extra county schools in Central Kenya reported exemplary performance in last year’s KCSE examinations, even as day schools posted improved results. 

In Meru, Nkubu Boys, Meru School and Igembe Boys were among the schools that recorded good grades.

Nkubu principal, Stephen Munyiri, and other staff were happy after three students got grade A and 19 others recorded A-, ensuring a mean of 8.4.

Out of the 397 candidates, 361 scored c+ and above, which Dr Munyiri attributed to commitment by teachers and a disciplined group of students.

“That has enabled us to have a 91.69 per cent transition to university. We are a very happy community,” he said.

At Igembe Boys, the principal, Lawrence Mutembei, said the school got a mean grade of 8.81, with 277 students, out of 280 candidates, set to join university.

“Once again our learners have done well and fulfilled their dreams and ours to see them excel,” he said.

Mwenda Rutere, the head teacher at the Meru School, and his staff were a joyous group after 22 students got grade A. The school recorded a mean of 8.9.

“We did a lot of preparations, and both the teachers and students worked together to achieve the common goal of doing their best,” he said.

Mariri Day School in Laare, Igembe North, surprised many with four students getting A-.

In Tharaka-Nithi County, Mercy Mutheu of Chuka Girls’ High School attained grade A, while six of her classmates had A-.

The principal, Joan Muthomi, expressed happiness that all the 270 candidates managed good grades and will be proceeding to university to pursue their dream careers.

Cynthia Rugendo credited her grade A- to hard work and good work from the teachers, who she said were always available.

“My parents were working hard to raise fees, so I was not going to let them down,” she said.

At Ikuu, more than 20 students had A-, with the principal, Joseph Mbae, saying they were yet to get all the results by yesterday afternoon.

At the Kiriani Boys’ High School in Maara Sub-County, three students got A-.

In Nyeri, Kagumo Boys recorded a mean grade of 9.306 points, with at least 21 students attaining A grade while 88 got A- out of a class of 396 candidates.

The chief principal, Silas Murigi, attributed the good grades to discipline and hard work. “The class was dedicated and I have never experienced any indiscipline incidents,” said Dr Murigi.

Murigi said the teachers supported the students to revise and engage in group discussions. In 2022, the school had a mean grade of 9.58 with a class of 391 candidates.

Mt Kenya Region Teachers Service Commission Director Elijah Omwenga termed the results encouraging.

Nanyuki Boys’ High School in Laikipia County also posted impressive results. Chief principal, Solomon Kipkoech, said the school produced 15 candidates who scored A grade, while 286 achieved C+ and above, securing direct entry into universities.

“We have witnessed a positive trajectory in all aspects of our school, and we are excelling in academics. It’s a testament to the hard work and dedication of our students and the support we receive from our staff and parents,” he said.

The results are an improvement from 2022 when only four students attained grade A. The mean score improved from 8.890 to 8.897.

Kipkoech added that the school’s consistent excellence has made it one of the most sought-after national schools.

“Nanyuki was the second most preferred school in the country this year, following Kabianga High. We had approximately 158,000 (KCPE) candidates selecting our school. However, due to our limited capacity of 500 students, we were unable to accommodate all of them,” he said.

In Murang’a, Murang’a High, Mugoiri and Njiri Boys reported good grades.

At Mary Leakey Girls in Kiambu, the principal, Beth Githaiga, said five students scored grade A-, with a mean of 7.1. - The Standard

[Reports by Purity Mwangi, Phares Mutembei, Amos Kiarie and Boniface Gikandi]

Bobi Wine, one of the fiercest critics of Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, has suffered multiple arrests/FILE

Uganda was a pioneer in institutionalising youth participation in decision-making. Youth engagement in political structures is considered to be a tool for government control. We found that young politicians felt that this flawed system of representation provided opportunities for mobilising both against and in favour of the current regime.

Africa has the world’s largest youth population. By 2030, 75% of the African population will be under the age of 35. The number of young Africans aged 15-24 is projected to reach 500 million in 2080. 

While population dynamics vary across the continent, most sub-Saharan countries have a median age below 19. Niger is the youngest country in the world with a median age of 14.5, while South Africa, Seychelles, Tunisia and Algeria have median ages above 27. 

These demographics are a potential force for growth. However, the potential of Africa’s demographic dividend has been overshadowed by concerns among governments and international donors about the relationship between large youth populations, unemployment rates and political instability. 

Many countries with large youth populations and high rates of youth unemployment and under-employment remain peaceful. But the dominant policy narrative is that unemployed youth pose a threat to stability. 

Further, the role of youth in popular protest – such as in Sudan in 2019 – has created high expectations about their role in countering autocratic governments and contributing to democracy.

As political scientists and sociologists, we’re interested in understanding the interaction between youth and autocratic regimes – especially as elected autocracies are taking hold in Africa. 

Electoral autocracies are regimes elected into power using authoritarian strategies. These include manipulation of elections and repression of the opposition, independent media and civil society. 

Our research focuses on the interactions between youth and regimes in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Uganda and Zimbabwe. All are cases of electoral autocracies. These regimes are aware of their large youth populations and are sometimes challenged by them. Uganda’s Bobi Wine, a popular musician turned presidential candidate, is one example. 

The four countries in our study have also been through civil wars, where the victorious armed groups have taken power and stayed in power since the end of the war. This has created a particular set of dynamics between the ageing rebel governments and the youth majorities. 

In autocratic contexts like these ones, efforts to empower youth can easily be manipulated to serve the interests of the regime. Some young people may decide to play the game and take up opportunities offered by regime actors. Others might resist them. Some take up the opportunities, hoping it serves their own and not the regime’s interests. Still, this might reproduce forms of patronage.

All of this matters because the future of democracy is at stake, and using state-led opportunities might contribute to authoritarian renewal. Our research teams in each country studied the range of policies that governments put in place to “cater” for the youth. They included loans for young entrepreneurs, and setting up youth councils and youth quotas in political institutions. 

We found that youth-targeted strategies – largely aimed at promoting employment and political participation – are part of the authoritarian rule book in all four countries we studied. Employment and entrepreneurship schemes were open to abuse through ruling party patronage networks and channelled to regime supporters. 

Our research found that young people in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Uganda and Zimbabwe felt aggrieved about these opportunities being channelled to regime supporters. They also noted the lack of opportunities to have a meaningful voice. Institutions that were established to enable youth participation were co-opted and lacked independence from governments. 

Some young people express their grievances through pro-democracy protests – like in Mozambique in October 2023. But overall, Africa’s youth are not saving democracy. Neither are they countering the deepening trend of autocratisation on the continent, where incumbent governments have increasingly concentrated power in the hands of the executive. Our research has confirmed this in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Ethiopia and Uganda.

Case studies 

In Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF has been in power since the country’s independence in 1980. The ruling party and many of its now ageing leaders use their history of having been part of the liberation war in the 1970s to retain their hold on power. 

They do so by creating narratives around the country’s liberation history and patriotism, and accuse the “born-free” generation (those born after independence) of betraying the liberation war. This delegitimises any discontent young people may feel. Zanu-PF targets young people among its wider repertoire of strategies to maintain power. 

In Mozambique, the ruling party Frelimo has won every election since 1992. The party has concentrated power and resources in the hands of the political elite. The youth continue to be under-represented and have serious challenges in accessing resources.

This, in addition to other conflict dynamics, contributed to an insurgency in the northern region of Cabo Delgado from 2017. It’s led by the radical religious group locally called Al-Shabaab, or sometimes “machababo” (the youth).Youth-dominated protests in Ethiopia contributed to the 2018 fall of the ruling party that had been in power since 1991. They also led to the coming to power of Abiy Ahmed that year. 

Mobilisation among the youth has since been silenced. Only loyalists get access to job creation schemes. There has also been a militarising of youth-dominated ethnic movements. This was seen, for instance, with the Fano Amhara group in the war in Tigray in 2020-2022. 

Uganda was a pioneer in institutionalising youth participation in decision-making. Youth engagement in political structures is considered to be a tool for government control. We found that young politicians felt that this flawed system of representation provided opportunities for mobilising both against and in favour of the current regime. Young candidates running for one of the youth quota seats in parliament, for instance, can’t easily evade ruling party patronage.

Way forward.  

Young Africans are diverse. However, they have often been characterised as either violent or as changemakers and peace activists. These characterisations represent opposite ends of a spectrum. 

Our research project engaged a diversity of young people positioned and constantly moving across different parts of the spectrum. This has enhanced our understanding of how they navigate and respond to the ways their regimes seek to handle the youth population. 

In our view, research and policy initiatives towards young people in authoritarian states must acknowledge that well-intended youth interventions may reproduce authoritarian politics when they are channelled to party loyalists. 

Interventions that aim to promote job creation and youth empowerment should monitor how youth participants are selected and funds disbursed to avoid interference from partisan actors.NG. 

Authors

1. Lovise Aalen | Research Professor, Political Science, Chr. Michelsen Institute
2. Marjoke Oosterom | Research Fellow and Cluster Leader, Power and Popular Politics research cluster, Institute of Development Studies. Source: Capital News

Conservative rebels who are pushing for a tougher immigration policy will this week open talks with ministers which will decide whether they continue their revolt.

MPs including Suella Braverman and Robert Jenrick have pledged to strengthen the Safety of Rwanda Bill which is designed to ensure the Government’s flagship asylum scheme can no longer be blocked by the courts.

They have threatened to table amendments to the legislation which would lead to a fresh Commons showdown later this month.

But first the rebels will meet with the Government this week to discuss whether they can reach a compromise, a source told i.

If there is no agreement they will seek to amend the bill when it returns to Parliament – although centrist Conservatives have warned they could vote the legislation down altogether if it goes too far in setting aside human rights laws.

Mr Jenrick told the Sunday Times: “The Prime Minister is saying that he will not allow a foreign court to block removals to Rwanda when the Government’s stated legal position today is that to do so would be a clear breach of international law.

“Why would you bring forward a bill which your own legal advice – which has proven to be wrong and optimistic in the past – is saying has a 50 per cent chance, at best, of getting a single flight off to Rwanda? That’s an act of self-harm. We’re running out of road, and at the end of the road, there’s a precipice.”

When the bill was first debated by the Commons last month, around two dozen rebels refused to vote for it. They said they would reserve the right to vote against at the next stage, which would put Rishi Sunak in danger of defeat.

The Prime Minister has been forced to deny that he had fought with Boris Johnson over the principle of sending asylum seekers to Rwanda as a means of deterring them from crossing the English Channel to reach Britain in the first place.

Leaked documents revealed that when he was Chancellor, he refused to commit the funding requested by the then-Prime Minister and Priti Patel, who was Home Secretary.

Mr Sunak told the BBC on Sunday: “I discussed it with the Prime Minister and ultimately funded the plans and the scheme, and my job now as Prime Minister is to get it up and running and I believe that it’s really important because it’s about deterrence.” 

Pressed on why he had fought other ministers over the scheme, he said: “As Chancellor, my job is to scrutinise and ask tough questions of every single proposal that crosses my desk. I mean that’s my job, or was when I was Chancellor… ultimately this is all taxpayers’ money and just because someone’s asking tough questions doesn’t mean that they don’t believe in the proposal.”  By Hugo Gye, The i