The Auditor General has highlighted wastage of public funds by counties, raising questions whether taxpayers are getting value for their money.

Counties continue to spend millions of shillings on stalled projects, salaries and acquisition of items some of which are non-functioning. Auditor General Nancy Gathungu in the 2023/2024 audit revealed massive irregularities and misappropriation of funds by county governments.

In the report, Kilifi County spent over Sh70 million for office furniture and general equipment out of which Sh634,685 related to the purchase was delivered on June 30, 2023. 

An audit inspection of the items in October 2024 revealed that a 55-inch TV worth Sh151,450 was not functional, eight office chairs and four desks had not been issued while two chairs and office desks were not verified and the assets were not recorded in the assets register. 

The report flagged an irregularity in payment and supply of a Computed Tomography (CT) Scan Machine. The county paid Sh75.9 million for the CT scan machine with the contract amount paid in full on June 30, 2024.

Physical verification in October 2024, about four months later established that the machine had not been delivered with the management claiming the payment was done because the manufacturer would not release the equipment without payment.

The auditor general said the procurement was contrary to Section 146 of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015 which states that no works, goods or services contract shall be paid for before they are executed or delivered and accepted by the accounting officer of a procuring entity.

Further a Sh33,499,810 incinerator acquired by the County Government and was delivered on March 5, 2024, had not been used seven months later. A Sh14.49 million x-ray machine was also lying idle.

“Physical inspection carried out in October 2024 about eight (8) months later, it was observed that the X-ray machine was not in use and was still in the store. This was contrary to Section 149 of the Public Finance Management Act, 2012,” read the report in part. 

In Tana River County, the audit revealed irregularity in payment of foreign and subsistence travel allowances. The County Executive report revealed spent Sh6,395,500 on staff allowances while attending Jumuiya Trade Investment and Education Exchange Mission in the US.

The audit revealed that invitation letters to participants, back-to-office reports documenting the outcome of the mission, lessons learned, and value gained from the conference were not provided for audit review. Further, it revealed no justification for holding a local economic block event outside the country while Kenya Coastal Region has plenty of venues to host such events at a reasonable cost. Specialised medical equipment valued at Sh73,376,300 purchased to equip Hola Level Four the report revealed were kept in boxes awaiting construction of the building and therefore not in use.

In Wajir, the County Government spent Sh9,312,053 to repair a generator at the county headquarters. The Auditor General noted that the county government did not justify the expenditure, which was estimated as enough to purchase a new generator, raising concerns of potential excess and wasteful expenditure.

In Marsabit, the audit questioned the expenditure of Sh3,399,484 on foreign travel, daily subsistence allowances and air tickets for three county officers who travelled on November 29, 2023, to the United Kingdom to receive three donated used Mercedes Benz ambulances.

A review of Machakos County payroll revealed that 67 clinical officers and 61 medical doctors were on the payroll. However, review of the doctor analysis report generated from the Integrated Health Management system revealed that no activity was undertaken by the clinical officers and doctors from September, 2023 when Level 4 and 5 hospitals were digitised and from February to March, 2024 when all Level 3 and 4 were digitised.

Samburu County spent Sh1.8 million and Sh1,199,996 on mobile phones and laptops totalling to Sh2,999,996. However, a list of beneficiaries for the mobile phones and laptops and evidence of market survey were not provided. This contravened Section 149 (1)(a)(b) of the Public Finance Management Act, 2012.

The report also revealed an irregularity in procurement of mobile phones and laptops by Uasin Gishu County Government. The Department of ICT procured mobile phone model Samsung S23 Ultra and a Macbook laptop computer at Sh430,000 from a local supplier. However, physical verification of the ICT equipment procurement revealed that only the mobile phone was provided for physical inspection.

In Nandi County, the audit questioned the expenditure relating to foreign travel and substance which reflected payments amounting to Sh1,761,410 made to three (3) officers towards the attendance of black caucus in the USA. This was however contrary to Public Service Circular OP/CAB.308/018 by the Chief of Staff and Head of the Public Service on suspension of non-essential travel which disallowed such journeys.

Further, a review of foreign travel and substance expenditure by the county revealed a payment of Sh1,317,316 made to a state officer to facilitate attendance of the 68th session on the status of women in New York City for 14 days. This was contrary to the period of travel of seven days inclusive of travel days stipulated in circulars No. OP/CAB.1/7A of January 26,  2015, by Chief of Staff and Head of Public Service.

In Narok, the county spent Sh313, 587,476 for travel. The amount included Sh4,401,000 spent towards the ear-notching and fitting of transmitters on 20 black rhinos in the Maasai Mara National Reserve.

“The fuel consumed during the exercise was not supported with detailed orders and work tickets. Further, delivery notes, counter issue forms, and counter receipt forms were not provided to confirm the amount of Sh.901, 000 spent on immobilisation drugs, reversal agents, darting accessories,s and medical consumables,” read the report in part.

Busia County spent Sh5.8 million for the acquisition of a refrigerated truck. The vendor sued the County Executive for delayed payment and the county was ordered by the court to pay the principal amount of Sh5,809,460, interest that had accrued over the years amounting to Sh3,601,865, and costs of the suit of Sh341,980, all totaling Sh9,753,305.

“Physical verification in September 2024 revealed that the vehicle was parked at the County Commissioner’s Offices in Busia Town, was not in use and was in a dilapidated condition. Further, the truck bears a private registration number and has not been transferred to the County Executive. In addition, no evidence was provided for audit on whether the truck had ever been used by the County Executive,” read the report.

Nairobi County’s Dishi na County Programme was also questioned over alleged irregular payment to the implementor. The County Executive entered into a contract with Food for Education on December 5, 2023, for the provision of school feeding services as part of the Dishi na County Nairobi School Feeding Programme for one year at a rate of Sh25 per plate.

Meanwhile, Gathungu also flagged stalled projects worth millions of shillings in Siaya County for the financial year 2023/2024. According to the report, an X-Ray machine installed at Got Agulu sub-county hospital was not in use due to the lack of a radiographer to operate it.

The report revealed that the amount of money incurred on the project were a waste of public funds. Also in the report is the delay in the construction of perimeter Wall at Migwena Sports Cultural Centre.

The report revealed that the County Executive entered into a contract with a firm for the proposed construction of a perimeter wall at Migwena at a contract sum of Sh33.8 million. By Julius Chepkwony, [Additional reporting by Isaiah Gwengi]

By ABDI HALIM MUSA

The African Union (AU) was founded on the principles of self-determination, peace, unity, and regional stability. Yet, it finds itself at a crossroads when it comes to Somaliland—a de facto state that has spent over three decades building a stable democracy, upholding the rule of law and maintaining peace in a region marked by turmoil. Despite its remarkable achievements, Somaliland remains excluded from AU discussions, development initiatives, and regional decision-making.

Recognizing Somaliland through Observer Status is not just a matter of political diplomacy—it is a moral imperative and a strategic necessity. Somaliland represents the very ideals the AU seeks to promote: democracy, stability, and self-reliance. By granting Somaliland a seat at t he table, the AU would send a powerful message that African nations that prioritize good governance, security, and economic development will not be ignored.

This article makes the legal, historical, and political case for Somaliland’s inclusion in the AU, explores how this move would benefit the African continent, and outlines concrete steps for African and global leaders to support this long-overdue decision.

Somaliland’s Journey: From Independence to Resilience A Nation That Was Once Recognized Somaliland’s case for Observer Status is not about secession—it is about reclaiming a sovereignty that was once acknowledged by the international community.

June 26, 1960 – The British Somaliland Protectorate gained full independence, recognized by more than 30 UN member states, including the United Kingdom and Egypt. July 1, 1960 – Just five days later, Somaliland voluntarily united with Italian Somalia to form the Somali Republic—a political experiment that lacked a formal legal framework and quickly proved to be an unequal partnership.

1991 – After enduring decades of marginalization and a devastating civil war, Somaliland peacefully reclaimed its independence, rebuilding its institutions from the ground up. Building Peace and a Functioning Democracy Unlike many post-conflict states, Somaliland’s stability was not imposed by foreign intervention but carefully crafted through locally driven reconciliation efforts. After withdrawing from the failed union with Somalia, Somaliland’s leaders prioritized peacebuilding, democratic governance, and
economic development rather than falling into political fragmentation.

✔ 1993 Borama Conference – Clan elders, politicians, and civil society representatives came together to draft Somaliland’s constitution, creating a hybrid governance model that blends traditional leadership (guurti) with modern democratic institutions.

✔ Seven peaceful elections since 2003 – Somaliland has successfully held multiple presidential, parliamentary, and local elections, with power transitions occurring peacefully—a rare achievement in the region. 

✔ Strong voter engagement – The 2021 parliamentary elections saw a 70% voter turnout, reflecting high public trust in the system. At a time when many AU member states struggle with political instability, coups, and authoritarianism, Somaliland stands out as a success story—a nation that has proven its commitment to democracy, stability, and governance despite lacking international recognition.

The Legal and Political Case for Observer Status Somaliland Meets All Criteria for Statehood satisfies the legal requirements for statehood:

A Permanent Population – More than 5.7 million people who share a national identity, language, and governance structure. 2. Defined Borders – Somaliland’s territory corresponds to the former British Somaliland Protectorate (1884–1960), borders that were internationally recognized before the union with Somalia.

A Functional Government – Somaliland has a working executive, legislature, and judiciary, operating independently. Capacity for International Relations – Somaliland maintains trade agreements, security cooperation, and diplomatic missions in over 15 countries.

These factors clearly distinguish Somaliland from separatist movements elsewhere in Africa—it is not seeking to redraw borders but rather to restore a sovereignty that existed before the union with Somalia.

AU Precedent: The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR)

The AU has already set a precedent by recognizing the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in 1982, despite its contested status.

✔ SADR and Somaliland share similar colonial histories – Both were former protectorates that later sought independence.
✔ The AU accepted SADR without UN recognition – Demonstrating that the AU can act independently of the United Nations.
✔ Somaliland is requesting a lesser status – Unlike SADR, which holds full AU membership,

Somaliland only seeks Observer Status, making this an even less controversial decision. If the AU can accommodate SADR, why continue excluding Somaliland—a nation that outperforms many AU states in governance, security, and democracy? Why Somaliland’s Inclusion Benefits the AU
1. Strengthening Democracy in Africa Many African nations have struggled with democratic backsliding, political instability, and military coups.
✔ Somaliland offers a rare African success story, demonstrating that democracy can thrive without international intervention.
✔ Its free and fair elections put it ahead of many AU member states in terms of governance and accountability.
✔ Including Somaliland in AU discussions would set an example for other African nations, proving that democracy can and will be rewarded.

 Enhancing Regional Security

Somaliland’s location along the Gulf of Aden makes it a key player in regional security: ✔ Maritime security leadership – Somaliland’s coastguard has reduced piracy in the Gulf of Aden by 90% since 2012, ensuring safe trade routes.
✔ Counterterrorism partner – Somaliland has remained free from Al-Shabaab attacks for over a decade, making it a valuable security ally for Africa and global powers.
✔ A strategic buffer against instability – Somaliland’s stability helps prevent the spread of terrorism and conflict in the Horn of Africa.

Expanding Economic Opportunities for Africa

Somaliland is an emerging economic hub, with major infrastructure projects that could benefit the entire African continent:

✔ Berbera Port Expansion – A $442 million project (funded by DP World and the UAE) transforming Somaliland into a regional trade hub.
✔ Trade Corridor with Ethiopia – The 2024 Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU could strengthen economic ties between East Africa and the Middle East.
✔ Untapped Energy Potential – Somaliland has vast oil and gas reserves attracting interest from international investors.

Allowing Somaliland to engage in AU economic initiatives would strengthen intra-African trade and investment, in line with Agenda 2063’s vision for economic integration.

Addressing Common Concerns

1. “Will This Set a Precedent for Other Secessionist Movements?”
📌 Somaliland is not seceding—it is restoring its 1960 independence. Unlike secessionist groups, Somaliland’s borders were internationally recognized before its union with Somalia.
2. “Somalia Opposes Somaliland’s Recognition.”
📌 Somalia has consistently refused to engage in negotiations without preconditions. The AU must step in as a neutral mediator, similar to its approach in Sudan-South Sudan negotiations
(2011–2013).
3. “AU Policy Prioritizes Existing Borders.”
📌 The AU’s own 2005 fact-finding report acknowledged Somaliland’s unique case, stating that it deserved special consideration outside of the traditional AU framework.
The Path Forward: How the AU and Global Leaders Can Act 

What the AU Should Do:

✅ Grant Somaliland Observer Status Immediately – This would allow Somaliland to contribute expertise in security, trade, and democratic governance.
✅ Revisit the 2005 AU Report – A formal vote in the AU Assembly could finally recognize Somaliland’s special status.
✅ Appoint a Special AU Envoy for Somaliland-Somalia Talks – A neutral figure could help restart stalled negotiations without preconditions.

What Global Powers (U.S., UK, EU, UAE) Should Do:
✅ Use Diplomatic Influence – Western and Gulf allies should encourage AU member states to support Somaliland’s bid.
✅ Tie Development Assistance to AU Reform – Donor nations should link funding to progress on recognizing Somaliland’s democratic success.

4 ✅ Encourage Trade and Investment in Somaliland – Economic incentives could build diplomatic momentum for formal recognition. Conclusion: A Call for Justice and Leadership For more than 30 years, Somaliland has been a shining example of peace, democracy, and stability in Africa—a continent often plagued by political crises. Yet, despite meeting all legal, moral, and practical criteria, it remains side-lined by the AU.

Granting Somaliland Observer Status is more than a political gesture; it is a bold step toward an Africa that values governance over outdated territorial politics. Recognizing Somaliland would:
✔ Reward stability and democracy in Africa.
✔ Strengthen regional security and counterterrorism efforts.
✔ Enhance economic cooperation through trade and investment.

The AU must live up to its founding principles and act not out of fear, but out of leadership. The time for hesitation is over. It is time for Africa to embrace Somaliland—not just as an Observer, but as a legitimate and valued partner in shaping the continent’s future. The world faces a choice: continue to ignore a model African state, or take a stand for democracy, peace, and progress. The answer should be clear—the AU must act, and it must act now. The Writer is a Freelance political & economic analyst |
Former Deputy Minister of Commerce, Somaliland

Amnesty International and several civil society organizations jointly released a petition on Monday addressed to the National Assembly of Kenya, urging the Departmental Committee on Defence, Intelligence and Foreign Relations to acknowledge and end abductions and renditions in Kenya.

Petitioners recalled that in November 2024, prominent Ugandan opposition figure and former presidential candidate for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) political party Kizza Besigye was abducted in Nairobi, Kenya, and resurfaced a few days later in a military court back in Kampala, Uganda. Besigye, along with his colleague Haji Obed Lutale, was charged with offenses relating to security and the unlawful possession of firearms and ammunition at Makindye General Court Martial.

Besigye’s lawyer, Eron Kiiza, was later arrested after reportedly shouting at a court martial after being denied entry to the reserved space for lawyers at a court hearing. He was convicted by General Court Martial for “contempt of court” and sentenced to nine months imprisonment without a fair trial, which amounts to breaches of Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Besigye was remanded to Luzira Maximum Security Prison in Kampala, where he continues to be detained and charged by a Ugandan military tribunal of treachery pointing to treason on 14 January. On January 31, 2025, the Supreme Court of Uganda found that trying civilians in courts-martial is unconstitutional and ordered that “all charges or ongoing criminal trials, or pending trials, before the courts-martial involving civilians, must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts of law with complete jurisdiction.”

In their petition, the organizations stressed that by lawfully detaining people, their rights to personal liberty are breached under the Constitution of Kenya and Uganda and international law documents such as the ICCPR and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Additionally, they stated the transfer of Kizza Besigye and Hajj Obeid Lutale to civilian courts on February 21 violates international human rights law which obliges the Kenya government to ensure the right to a fair trial and the freedom from torture and other ill-treatment.

Several international organizations expressed deep concerns about the deteriorating human rights conditions in Kenya and urgently called on the government to fulfill its commitments regarding human rights by ensuring the release of unjustly detained individuals, addressing any harm caused to activists, and ending the abduction of dissenters while holding accountable those responsible for violence and intimidation. However, petitioners argued that the Kenya Defence Forces, the National Intelligence Service, and the National Police Service have failed to give satisfactory responses.

Petitioners called on relevant authorities in Kenya to acknowledge that abductions and renditions potentially constituting crimes under international law have been committed in Kenya. Further, they should urgently summon the national security organs to promptly, thoroughly, impartially, and transparently investigate all reported cases and take necessary measures to end abductions and renditions in Kenya within a reasonable time. By Helena Tian, Jurist