Uganda on Friday announced the detection of two cases of mpox imported from the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in the western district of Kasese, Xinhua reports.
The cases were among six suspected infections in Mpondwe and Bwera, towns bordering the DRC, according to Henry Mwebesa, director general of Health Services at Uganda's Ministry of Health, in a statement issued in Ugandan capital Kampala.
He said samples from a 37-year-old Ugandan woman married to a Congolese national and a 22-year-old Congolese female tested positive for the viral disease.
"Findings reveal that transmission did not take place in Uganda and to date, no secondary transmission has been linked to the two cases," said Mwebesa.
"So far, nine contacts are under follow-up. Uganda continues to monitor the evolving situation in the DRC where cases have been reported in nearly all provinces, the latest being North Kivu, specifically Goma," he said while confirming the deployment of a rapid response team to Kasese to collaborate with district authorities in controlling the imported cases.
The East African Community (EAC) issued an alert Monday, urging its eight member states to educate citizens on protecting themselves and preventing the spread of mpox.
This followed reports from the World Health Organisation (WHO) warning of mpox outbreaks in Burundi and the DRC, both EAC members.
Meanwhile, Kenya's Ministry of Health declared a case of mpox Wednesday following its detection in Taita Taveta, southeast of the country's capital of Nairobi.
Mpox, also known as monkeypox, transmits through close contact with infected animals or humans, contaminated objects, and respiratory droplets, causing symptoms including skin rash, fever, intense headache, muscle aches, back pain, weakness, and swollen lymph nodes, as per WHO guidelines. The New Times
A group of youths took to the streets protesting against bad governance and punitive taxes on July 16, 2024. [Kanyiri Wahito, Standard]
“How do you create ideas that the crowd grabs on to, makes stronger, and helps spread?” (Timms & Heimans, 2018).
The above question resonates profoundly in the context of Kenya’s Gen Z and Millennials, who have emerged from political obscurity to catalyze transformative change. Who could have anticipated that a simple tweet, #RejectTheFinanceBill2024, would open floodgates of protest, reminiscent of the #NoReformsNoElections clarion call of 1997?
This new generation has demanded radical transparency and accountability, literally shouting from rooftops that: Kenya must eradicate corruption; the ruling elite must honor their commitments; faith leaders must protect their followers from political opportunists; “the swamp must be drained”; and, strict adherence to the 2010 constitution is imperative.
Since independence, Kenya has sidestepped addressing the systemic generational marginalization and disempowerment of its youth, who constitute 75 per cent of the population under 35. The annual influx of 500,000 to 800,000 young people into the job market exacerbates this national crisis, with Gen Z bearing the brunt of unemployment and underemployment.
In 2016, the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that unemployment among those aged 15-24 was 22 per cent. A 2018 Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) report indicated that 9 out of 10 unemployed Kenyans were 35 years and below. By 2023, youth unemployment for the 15-24 age group was estimated at over 12 per
Since 2013, Kenya has faced a high cost of living, especially concerning basic needs. According to protesting youth, this grim reality was worsened by the Finance Bill, 2024 taxation measures. Other grievances, such as the substitution of the costly Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF) with NHIF and Linda Mama, the imposition of a housing levy, university fees hike, CDF unconstitutionality, and public debt opaqueness and various unilateral executive decisions, further fueled the June demonstrations.
The current self-organization of the youth as a “leaderless, tribeless, and fearless” movement can also be historically attributed to the government’s inability to advance the youth agenda, particularly after the 2007/8 election violence.
Despite legislative efforts, such as the National Youth Policy of 2007 and the National Youth Council Act of 2009, meaningful youth responsive action was delayed. Elections under the National Youth Council Election Guidelines of 2011 were conducted from sub-location, location, division, district and provincial levels. However, the government hesitated to create democratic space for youth by establishing full-fledged National Youth Council and the Advisory Board.
In 2021, new regulations for the National Youth Council were introduced, establishing the National Youth Congress at ward and constituency levels in line with devolution. In Kenya’s 1,450 wards, six delegates elected by youth registered voters became part of 8,700 ward delegates, who then elected 580 constituency delegates. Unfortunately, the regulations mandated that these delegates act as volunteers without the mandate to form branches. Once more, the government missed an opportunity to launch an inclusive youth organizational framework from grassroots to national level.
Despite the revamped Kenya Youth Development Policy of 2019 and various youth programs like the Youth Enterprise Development Fund, Uwezo Fund, Kazi Kwa Vijana; National Youth Service; Access to Government Procurement Opportunities (AGPO) etc., their skewed implementation has not induced a pragmatic youth Marshall Plan for employment, entrepreneurship and other opportunities. Counties, too, neglect prioritizing a transformative youth agenda.
In mid-2024, a disillusioned Gen Z took ownership of the youth vision, advocating for a clean government that equitably serves all citizens. They self-organized in novel and disruptive ways, raising and answering for themselves the question: Can a genuinely leaderless movement exist?
Leaderless revolutions
Let’s examine insights from three leading authorities on leaderless revolutions and new power paradigms. In The Leaderless Revolution: How Ordinary People Will Take Power and Change Politics in the 21st Century (2011), Carnes Ross argues that as governmental authority declines, people must embody their political beliefs in every action they commit to. He posits that individuals must negotiate directly with one another, enabling collective decision-making for better, fairer, and more enduring solutions.
Henry Timms and Jeremy Heimans, in New Power: How It’s Changing the 21st Century – and Why You Need to Know (2018), describe two power variants: old power, which is closed, leader-driven, and hoarded, and new power, which is open, participatory, and peer-driven. New power is most forceful when it surges, aiming not to hoard but to channel it.
The above authors reinforce the notion that new peoples’ power is midwifed through collaborative, servant type, and distributed forms of leadership. Kenya’s #RejectTheFinanceBill2024 and the subsequent Occupy Movement have conceivably drawn inspiration from such philosophy. And so have global movements such as Occupy Wall Street, GivingTuesday, MeToo, BlackLivesMatter and the Arab Spring.
Three factors may have triggered the Gen Z uprising: Robbie Gituhu’s self-immolation protesting the high cost of living, Mercy Tarus exposure of a study-abroad scam, and burdensome taxation introduced by the Finance Bill, 2023. The proximate cause, as mentioned before, was the Finance Bill, 2024, which initiated severe punitive tax measures. Although the Gen Z movement remains leaderless, it is not rudderless, with volunteers providing functional leadership for specific activities. Each participant contributes their agency within a ‘do-it-ourselves’ mindset.
Ruto acts
Clearly, any group, be it of the youth, human rights activists, independent media, influencers, social media practitioners of any hue, musicians, IT gurus or novices, diaspora citizens, sympathizers, Generation Alpha, etc., can lurch onto any movement activity to provide temporary leadership for example to offer pro bono legal services, free medical camps, organise a concert, visit the sick, attend funerals, M-Changa fund raise etc. After closure of an activity, the volunteer hangs her or his boots. Hence Gen Zs are faithful to the continuum of crowdsourcing change-making ideas, crowdfunding and crowdbuilding. This means searching for the Gen Z leader as traditionally understood can be frustrating. If any volunteer deviates and claims to be an overall leader, he or she “gets cancelled i.e. anasalimiwa.”
From June 18, 2024, Gen Z, armed with mobile phones (social media artillery), the Kenyan flag (Gen Z have bestowed renewed dignity to the Kenyan flag), and water bottles, took to the streets to protest against taxation without representation and development. The protests evolved into #OccupyParliament and #OccupyStateHouse, with the most significant demonstration occurring on June 25, 2024, when protestors stormed the Kenya National Assembly calling for its dissolution. The peaceful protests resulted in over 60 deaths and significant property loss.
In response to the protests, the president vetoed the Finance Bill, 2024, but signed the Appropriation Bill, 2024, and proposed budget cuts and new loans to address the tax deficit. The president dismissed 21 cabinet members and the Attorney General. However, the inclusion in government of ODM members and the recycling of some previous cabinet secretaries confirmed the Executive’s determination to consolidate power.
The Gen Z movement continues to grapple with several challenges. Will it at some future time transform itself into a political party, or join a progressive coalition, or grow as a movement with its unique political expression? Can the movement foster a group of ethical leaders by 2027, or will it remain a mere critic of government? What should the movement do to avoid loss of steam and decline? Only time and the Gen Z resolve will answer these questions.
In most X spaces, Gen Z and their supporters prioritize countrywide civic education, especially for rural youth and older generations, who are often swayed through political handouts and ethnic-based politics. The movement is also focusing on ensuring every youth has identity and voter cards by 2027 and is ready to vote and protect the ballot. The Gen Z are partnering with the Kenyan diaspora to help secure their voting rights. Although the uprising started as a Gen Z baby, the need to broaden the movement to Gen Z-Ote is under discussion.
As the spirit of Kenya’s Gen Z movement potentially spills over to other African countries, it is clear that the continent’s leaders must genuinely engage their youth. Both the African Youth Charter and the African Human and Peoples’ Rights provisions on youth empowerment must be vigorously enforced. In conclusion, the youth of Kenya are brewing new wine, while the president wants to contain it into old wine skins. Something is going to burst.
The Gen Z DNA is crowd leadership, emphasizing citizen sovereign power to impact government, all public institutions and society in general. The youth bulge is an asset, not a liability. The 21st century will become Africa’s century when the continent mobilizes her youth for sustainable development. By Kivutha Kibwana, The Standard
Cabinet Secretary nominee for Defence Ms Soipan Tuya in Parliament, Nairobi for vetting on August 1, 2024. PHOTO | NMG
The Kenyan parliament is expected to complete vetting nominees to President William Ruto’s reconstituted Cabinet on Sunday, setting the stage for their swearing into office next week.
The parliamentary vetting, which began Thursday, is taking place against the backdrop of public murmurs over integrity of some of the nominees, the retention of six persons who served in the Cabinet dismissed on July 11, and the inclusion of opposition leaders in what is set to be a team of rivals.
At least one petition has been filed in a local court seeking to bar the four opposition members from taking their positions in the new Cabinet while the country’s official anti-corruption body wrote a letter to parliament opposing the appointment of one of the nominees it says is under investigation for corruption.
On Thursday, the US, in a tweet posted on the X (formerly Twitter) handle of its embassy in Nairobi, appeared to warn the Kenyan parliament against approving individuals implicated in corruption for appointment to the Cabinet.
Although the tweet fell short of stating exactly what action the US would take in case the tainted nominees are approved, it would no doubt worry President Ruto as he prepares to formally appoint his new ministers.
Last year, the US was believed to have influenced Cabinet changes in Kenya after an incident in which then visiting Trade Representative Katherine Tai refused to meet then Kenyan Trade minister, Moses Kuria, to discuss a proposed free trade agreement between the duo.
Mr Kuria, who attracted the US attention with his extremist views on individuals and institutions on social media, was transferred to the Ministry of Public Service in the subsequent Cabinet mini-reshuffle in October.
Between 2019 and 2022, the US State Department also imposed sanctions against a former Kenyan attorney-general and a former county governor for alleged ‘involvement in significant corruption’, barring them and members of their families from travelling to there.
Perhaps an even bigger test for President Ruto will be how to handle the inevitable political fall-out sparked by inclusion of members of the opposition party, Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), in his so-called broad-based government amid threats of impeachment against Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua over the wave of anti-government protests in June and July.
The demos, which saw parliament overrun on June 25, broke out on June 18 as a resistance against punitive tax proposals and have been largely linked to digital activists in the Gen Z movement, which characterises itself as ‘leaderless’.
But at the peak of the unrest, Mr Gachagua publicly accused the country’s National Intelligence Service (NIS) of trying to concoct evidence linking him and former President Uhuru Kenyatta with sponsoring the protests.
A number of his aides are reported to have been questioned by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) over the protests. His frosty relationship with President Ruto seemed to thaw in recent weeks, with the duo addressing public peace rallies together in some parts of the country.
However, threats of his impeachment have escalated in the wake of the naming nominees to his reconstituted Cabinet.
Although the push for Mr Gachagua’s impeachment is led by MPs affiliated to the governing Kenya Kwanza Coalition, the rapprochement between President Ruto and ODM party leader Raila Odinga may have emboldened them.
Mr Gachagua and Mr Odinga are sworn political enemies, with the Deputy President having in the past warned he would consider breaking ranks with the President if he entered a power-sharing agreement with the former prime minister.
For his part, Mr Odinga has taken issue with the Deputy President’s divisive public utterances likening the current government to a private company in which the different ethnic communities hold shares based on the number of their votes in the 2022 elections.
In the highly likely event that ODM chooses to cooperate with the Majority side in Parliament, the anti-Gachagua group could have little problem mobilising the constitutionally required two-thirds of members voting for an impeachment motion in both the Senate and the National Assembly to oust the Deputy President. By Otieno Otieno
Al-Shabaab have waged an insurgency in Somalia for at least 17 years [Getty/file photo]
Al-Shabaab gunmen and a suicide bomber killed at least 32 civilians on the popular Lido beach area, with at least 63 injured - many of them critically.
An Al-Shabaab suicide bomber and gunmen attacked a busy beach in the Somali capital Mogadishu killing at least 32 people and wounding scores more, police said on Saturday, in one of the deadliest strikes in the East African country in months.
The Al-Qaeda-linked jihadists have been waging an insurgency against the internationally backed federal government for more than 17 years and have previously targeted the Lido beach area, popular with business people and officials.
Unverified videos shared online in the immediate aftermath of the attack late on Friday showed people scattering along a street, with a number of clips purporting showing bloodied bodies lying on the beachfront.
"More than 32 civilians died in this attack and about 63 others were wounded, some of them critically," police spokesman Abdifatah Adan Hassan told reporters during a press conference.
"Targeting and blasting to kill 32 members from the civilian population means these Kharijites are not going to target only government centres, soldiers and officials," he said, using the term Somali officials adopt to describe Al-Shabaab.
The assault, for which Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility in a post on a pro-Shabaab website, began when a suicide bomber detonated a device and gunmen stormed the area.
Officer Mohamed Omar told AFP members of the group had "shot civilians randomly".
He said security forces had ended the attack and killed five gunmen, while a sixth member of the group "blew himself (up) at the beach".
Witnesses said there were many people at the popular location when the explosion occurred, describing how gunmen then stormed the area.
Immense devastation
Hawo Mohamed, who lives near the scene, said at least seven people he knew had died in the attack.
"The devastation is immense and there is blood, and severed pieces of human flesh strewn in the scene," he told AFP.
Witness Abdilatif Ali was at the beach when the attackers struck and described the chaos and fear that unfolded late at night.
"Everybody was panicked and it was hard to know what was happening because shooting started soon after the blast," he told AFP.
"I saw many people strewn (on the ground) and some of them were dead and others wounded," he said.
Ahmed Yare witnessed it unfold from a nearby hotel.
"I saw wounded people at the beachside. People were screaming in panic and it was hard to notice who was dead and who was still alive," he told AFP.
Hospitals appealed for blood donations following the influx of wounded, local media reported.
Abdulkhaliq Osman, head of the health section of the Kalkaal hospital, told reporters that they had received scores of injured people.
"Eleven of them were transferred to the operations unit for critical injuries, and those with light injuries were sent home after receiving the necessary medical assistance," he said.
Lido beach
Moussa Faki Mahamat, chairman of the African Union Commission, expressed condolences for the victims in a tweet labelling the incident "horrific" and "callous".
Al-Shabaab has claimed responsibility for numerous bombings and attacks in Mogadishu and other parts of the country, whose government is pressing on with an offensive against the Islamist militants.
The Lido area has been the target of previous attacks, including a six-hour Al-Shabaab siege of a beachside hotel in 2023, which left six civilians dead and 10 wounded.
Five people were killed in a powerful car bomb blast at a cafe in the capital last month.
In March, the militants killed three people and wounded 27 in an hours-long siege of another Mogadishu hotel, breaking a relative lull in the fighting. The New Arab
The United Nations (UN) flash appeal for $430 million to assist in drought prevention in Zimbabwe is still far from its target, with slightly over US$100 million raised.
The flash appeal highlights the critical need for additional international support to provide food, water, and other essential resources to the 3.1 million people affected by the worst El Niño-induced drought Zimbabwe has experienced in 43 years, making it a crisis of historic proportions.
The ongoing funding shortfall underscores the challenges of addressing the immediate and long-term needs of communities facing extreme weather conditions exacerbated by climate change.
According to the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Zimbabwe, Edward Kallon, while there have been contributions, the funding remains "far, far behind" the necessary level to meet the urgent needs of those affected by the drought.
"We have received some contribution from member states, but we are still far, far behind our target of being able to mobilise these resources to meet the needs at hand," Kallon said during a press conference in Bulawayo Wednesday to assess the impact of El Niño in Matabeleland and provide an update on current humanitarian efforts.
"It's a crisis that requires investment not only in addressing the current relief requirements but also investing in medium and longer-term development support that the government will need to be able to cope with the impact of climate change and El Nino in general," he said.
Kallon added he and his colleagues who toured parts of Matabeleland have heard a lot from people affected by the drought.
"We are now a little bit clear on the magnitude of the problem and the impact it is having at household level," he said, noting that having engaged the government and affected communities, this drought crisis "is the first of its kind in 43 years."
The UN Assistant Secretary-General and Climate Crisis Coordinator, Reena Ghelani also emphasised the severity of the drought, noting that communities are at the start of what promises to be an extremely challenging period.
Ghelani said communities are bracing themselves for this continued lean period.
" I heard from a woman who was in Lingwe (in Matobo, Matabeleland South) saying this is the worst she has experienced in her lifetime," she said, adding the second observation witnessed is the "fast and speedy government response."
As Zimbabwe deals with this terrible drought, the appeal for international assistance remains urgent, with the UN Climate Crisis Coordinator urging the international community to "come in fast and support," since climate disasters and droughts have become more common.
"We're very grateful for the money that's been provided, but we need more and we need it now," Ghelani said.
"Consider what's going to happen in the medium and longer term to support these communities so that they can provide for their children." Source - cite.org.zw
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