Navan's Dr Mary Randles and her late husband, Dr Paddy Randles were honoured by the Wells for Life charity with a well provided to a community in Uganda dedicated to them.

Aidan Jordan of Wells for Life presented a photo album to Dr Randles at an event in the Silver Tankard. It contain photographs from the village community that received a water well dedicated to Dr Mary and Dr Paddy Randles.

Dr Paddy Randles lost patients and faced a backlash from comrades in the medical profession in the 1960's for his stance against the religious orders on corporal punishment and also the couple's crusade to stop the brutal treatment of unmarried mothers in mother and baby homes.

The citation at the recent presentation spoke of the couple's "courageous work on behalf of people who didn't have much of voice themselves". "They stood up in a very courageous way and were "brave enough to stand up to cruelty and injustice." 

Also in attendance was Sinead O'Shea, the producer and director of the award-winning documentary, 'Pray for Our Sinners' which features a lot of the work of the two doctors.

Sinead spoke of how she came up with the idea for the documentary and built up an excellent rapport with Dr Mary and they worked together on the making of the film.

Dr Randles was very humble in relation to her own achievements and spoke mostly on Dr Paddy and how he stood up for children and highlighted their ill-treatment in a number of local primary schools.

Aidan Jordan explained why Wells of Life chose to honour Dr Randles in this way. "In the past whenever we have funds that haven't been donated by a particular family or individual, we get to chose who the well will be dedicated to and in the past we have honoured John Hume for his efforts at peacekeeping in Northern Ireland, Vicky Phelan, Aisling Murphy, Sean Rooney, Presidents Michael D Higgins, Mary McAleese and Mary Robinson.”

Aidan Jordan, retired St Patrick's Classical School teacher, is the Navan-based founder of the Irish branch of the Wells of Life charity 

Aidan's brother Nick founded the charity in the US in 2010 and Aidan founded the Irish branch in 2018.

Aidan explains his family's involvement in the charity: "We lost our sister Joan in 2000. She was a nurse and there was a fundraiser in her memory and a school built in Uganda. Nick, who lives in the US, went out to Uganda to visit the school and realised the difficulties the people had in accessing clean water and when he went home, started the charity."

Since its inception, Wells of Life has drilled more than 1,300 wells in a rural area of Uganda, 70 of those were funded from Ireland. Each well benefits around 1,000 people.

Their first well was funded through Bishop Michael Smith who has been a great supporter of the charity. Groups and individuals also fund wells in memory of loved ones and the community of Gibbstowns and the Garvey family raised funds to mark the 100th birthday of former Gibbstown school principal, Vincent Garvey. By Ann Casey, Health Chronicle

Map of Somaliland. Credit: Wikipedia Commons

Recently, whispers of Somaliland’s impending recognition as an independent state have grown louder. Credible assertions are rife that the incoming administration in the US is not opposed to extending acknowledgment of this self-declared republic. Such a move, if realized, stands to reshape the dynamics in the Horn of Africa, a region long defined by its turbulent history and proxies bound in complex alliances in service of narrow geopolitical interests. But what does this mean for Somaliland, and how is it positioned to transform a distant aspiration into reality?

Somaliland, nestled in the northwest corner of Somalia, unilaterally declared its independence in 1991. However, despite its stable governance and booming economy, it remains largely absent from international recognition. With roots tracing back to a colonial history distinct from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland has consistently demonstrated a more democratic and stable profile than its neighbor — a sharp contrast to the turmoil that has beleaguered Somalia for decades. This compelling narrative of stability juxtaposed against regional chaos forms the bedrock on which Somaliland stakes its claim to statehood.

Recent presidential elections in Somaliland, despite periods of tension and violence leading up to the vote, have sharply elevated the argument for an independent and sovereign country. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, also known as Cirro, of the Waddani party, secured the presidency with a strong mandate, securing nearly two-thirds of the vote in a poll that highlighted the resilience of Somaliland’s democratic institutions even amid regional instability. However, international recognition, particularly from a global power such as the US, would carry significant geostrategic weight.

The incoming administration in the US might view Somaliland’s stability as a strategic asset against the backdrop of a volatile neighbor and an opportunity to counter the expansion of influence in the region from Washington’s geopolitical rivals. Yet, such recognition risks igniting further unrest by exacerbating clan divisions within Somaliland and antagonizing Somalia, which has vehemently opposed Somaliland’s independence for more than three decades.

These implications extend beyond the region, potentially affecting global trade routes at the vital Bab Al-Mandab Strait chokepoint, which divides the busy Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden maritime routes. Here, Somali piracy, Houthi escalations, and a semipermanent international naval presence complicate the dynamics at play where a new country is struggling to be born.

Nevertheless, acknowledging Somaliland’s de facto statehood is a step that would validate its aspirations and contributions toward a more stable region. This recognition would affirm the global community’s commitment to stability and self-determination over archaic border adherence, setting a new standard for addressing similar geopolitical realities.

Somaliland’s quest for recognition carries a range of potential benefits and pitfalls. On the plus side, international recognition would solidify its sovereignty, allowing for increased foreign investment and development assistance which would catalyze economic growth and improve infrastructure. Recognizing statehood would also offer Somaliland the opportunity to join international organizations, further embedding it into the global diplomatic and economic system.

However, pitfalls include the risk of heightened regional instability, as recognition might prompt a severe backlash from Somalia, which considers Somaliland an integral part of its territory. Recognition could also set a precedent for other separatist movements around Africa and beyond, potentially reigniting dormant territorial disputes, which might deter some countries from supporting Somaliland’s bid. 

A newly independent Somaliland would realign political dynamics within the Horn of Africa. It could alter alliances and worsen existing tensions, particularly among actors who may have vested interests in either supporting or opposing Somaliland’s independence. Ethiopia, for instance, with its historical ties and strategic interests in Somaliland, might endorse such recognition, seeking to counterbalance Eritrean and Somali influences in the region. Nonetheless, the geopolitics of the Horn are precarious, and the global community must quickly determine whether recognizing Somaliland would bring more stability or further complicate a delicate balance of power.

Given the potential for regional upheaval, there is an argument for establishing an international coalition to safeguard post-recognition Somaliland. Such a coalition should include key global and regional actors committed to ensuring that Somaliland’s transition to recognized statehood occurs peacefully.

This coalition would provide not only diplomatic backing but also tangible support in the form of security assistance and economic aid to help buffer against any immediate retaliatory measures from neighboring states or non-state actors. Establishing such a coalition would signal to Somaliland’s opponents that the international community is serious about maintaining stability and supporting the country’s sovereignty, potentially deterring hostile actions against it.

Opposition to Somaliland’s recognition is likely to be driven primarily by Somalia, which views the move as a direct challenge to its territorial integrity. Other actors who fear the precedent this sets, especially those in restive regions, may also oppose the move indirectly seeking to impose diplomatic costs for any endorsement.

Ultimately, navigating this turbulence will require astute diplomacy and a clear-eyed assessment of both the risks and the long-term benefits of embracing Somaliland as the world’s newest country. However, it is unclear in current contemplations, whether the incoming US administration’s backing would be as pivotal in overcoming diplomatic inertia for Somaliland’s recognition as experts estimate.

The coming months promise a flurry of maneuvering in a bid to clarify where the US stands regarding Somaliland’s independence. And, once again, the Horn of Africa will be at the center of renewed attention as a new White House administration takes the helm.

• Hafed Al-Ghwell is a senior fellow and executive director of the North Africa Initiative at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, DC. By Hafed Al-Ghwell, Eurasia Review

Malawi’s President Lazarus Chakwera has renewed his appeal for international assistance to address severe food shortages affecting more than one-quarter of the country’s population of 20 million.

Malawi is currently facing one of its worst food shortage situations in decades with about 5.7 million people affected, according to a recent Malawi Vulnerability Assessment Committee report. This is about a quarter of the country’s population of about 20 million people.

In rural areas, some villagers were reported to be surviving on wild plants like buffalo beans. In a televised address to the nation Wednesday evening, Chakwera discussed the ongoing issue.

"We are not out of the woods yet," he said. "This is why I continue to lobby for international support to address the humanitarian crisis we are facing."

In March of this year, the president appealed for $200 million in food aid for millions of citizens facing starvation due to a drought linked to the El Nino weather conditions. In his renewed appeal on Wednesday, Chakwera acknowledged the donations that Malawi has so far received from various development partners through the U.N. World Food Program.

"From the governments of Sweden and Netherlands, the WFP received a donation of $11.8 million," he said. "I say thank you. From the government of the United States, the WFP received a donation of $7 million, and I say thank you. From the government of the United Kingdom, the WFP received a donation of $3.8 million, and I say thank you. From the government of Japan, the WFP received a donation of $1.9 million, and I say thank you."

Chakwera said additional food aid is urgently needed to save lives.

"If you are out there standing with Malawians and giving them the help they need during this crisis, I can assure you that Malawians are honest and fair-minded people who will remember those who are bringing them food in this season of drought and hunger, and who know how to distinguish them from those who brought them nothing," he said.

Kylie Scott, head of partnerships and communication for the UN’s World Food Program in Malawi, told VOA that the UN’s food agency still needs more assistance.

"At the moment, we have got funding until the end of the year," Scott said. "But there will be a gap until March 2025. So, we are working really hard to make sure that we can close that gap and make sure that no one gets left behind."

In the meantime, Malawi’s Department of Disaster Management Affairs, the World Food Program and several local humanitarian organizations are distributing assistance to communities facing food shortages. By VOA