Many writers and talkers have claimed that in choosing to reinstate his name, Tibuhabura, which translates as the one who is never advised, Yoweri Museveni sought to remind the world that he had neither friends nor took advice from anyone.

But this contention is theoretically and practically impossible. The British poet, John Donne was right when he noted that “no man is an island entire of himself/ Every man is a piece of the continent.”

While John Donne meant to argue for our collective humanity as humankind, this is true about individual persons. Indeed, African tradition is replete with sobering reflections on friendship and teammates.

Every person has their trusted friends. Even the meanest of them all has a friend with whom they confide in each other. This friend can call them out privately and confidently. They could be colleagues, or friends in different fields – but agree over their collective existence and mission. 

They could be of equal rank or different ranks. In their friendship, even in diametric difference of opinion, one understands that the other means no harm, nor are they selfishly setting them up. Even Sobbi had trusted friends.

Surely when running a thing as gigantic as a country, one needs their trusted friends to constantly check their guts. Not just trusted employable hands such as Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka, journalist and family friend Andrew Mwenda or his in-laws in Edwin Karugire and Odrek Rwabwogo who he endlessly deploys.

Neither do I mean folks in CMI, CID, senior UPDF officers and others in this category. But close buddies. Nfa nfe. Museveni’s co-president, and brother, Gen Salim Saleh would fit this role. 

But I am not sure Saleh is the only close friend with whom they ‘whisper together’ on even personal matters. Besides, Salim Saleh appears to have a peculiar set of passions – specifically negotiating deals – than actually running the country or intimating about life and death, and long-term interests. Maybe I underestimate the fellow. But again, he cannot be the only one.

DID THE BAHIMA EVER REALLY MEET?

There is a meeting that is claimed to have sat sometime in the early 1990s where folks in Museveni Bahima subclan met and deliberated about how to run Uganda for the next 100 years – or was it more? Having even seen the minutes and the names of the attendees, I had believed that meeting actually took place.

But over the years, I have become sceptical this meeting actually never happened. Because, for a dream like that to be realised, it has to follow a clear-cut plan: (a) ought to be rooted in the regime’s ability to reproduce itself, especially through successive presidents – and not around one mortal individual; (b) strong footing in the economy – and here I mean the economy, not just disposable cash. (We could add a third factor, not to be rooted in ethnic identity but, rather, a set of interests.

This could be explored another day). Indeed, the closest nearest example is Tanzania’s CCM or Iran’s Khomeini institution or China’s Communist Party. Because neither of this is happening ever since this alleged meeting took place, it is possible they neither met or if they did (which appears more likely), neither of them understood the assignment they had set up for themselves. 

The other possibility is that comrade brother Yoweri Museveni reneged on this agenda. But presently, they seem stuck, anxious and disjointed.

Because after these years, the Bahima or even the bigger unit, Bairu, do not have a president in waiting – a man or woman fully established, articulate, and exposed to the world. Instead, all hopes – present and future – seem to be buttressed in a single individual. Are there plans to smuggle a successor onto the country? Or have they staked their futures in PLU’s standby generator? 

Again, they do not even have a toe in the economy. If the Museveni crowd and associates are not scrambling around for government tenders and deals, they are fighting for jobs in the public service. If they are not fighting for ordinary people markets, they are chasing Baganda off their land. 

How is this stable – for a 100-year project?! I cannot stop to wonder how, after 40 years in power, Museveni’s clan isn’t established and monopolizing real money: manufacturing, banking, telecommunication, resale chains, transport and distribution, agro-business, power or resource extraction. How did they agree to hand all these things to foreigners when they had a 100-year project?

Why Museveni’s friends now?

Dear reader, I am looking for Museveni’s friends not to make them feel bad about the raw deal they received from their supposed benefactor. Neither is it my intention to remind them about the uncertainty that is likely to befall them if their man suddenly disappears. But, rather, I am looking for Museveni’s friends to remind them about the fluidity of revolutionary moments. 

I want to notify them that sadly, ironically, their own, selfish interests are closely tied with our collective survival and stability. And yes, despite not being one of them, I am reminding them that they still have a chance to change course.

I am working with the assumption that among these bosom friends of Yoweri Museveni, their benefactor Yoweri Museveni is the oldest – and currently most vulnerable – of all of them.

He is the target of all bodily stresses and political schemes and wrangling. To this end (unfortunately), I am reminding them about the urgent need to secure their interests: plead with this man to give you – and country – a chance when he still can. 

In writing to Museveni last week, I noted that there is power in certainty. Comrade Yoweri Museveni still has the chance to spend his last days as a statesman seated on the side watching the news, growling at the TV screen, or simply sipping his bushera – okuhuuta – and enjoying the sight of his long-horned cattle.

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

The author is a political theorist based at Makerere University. The Observer

The highly anticipated Africa Nations Championship (CHAN), initially set to be hosted in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania in February 2025, has been postponed to August 2025 due to infrastructure delays.

The tournament, intended for locally-based players, was scheduled to take place from February 1-28, 2025. However, on Tuesday, January 14, the Confederation of African Football (CAF) announced the delay to allow more time for the host countries to complete the necessary infrastructure and facilities.

“CAF Technical and Infrastructure experts, some of whom have been based in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, have advised that additional time is needed to ensure that the infrastructure and facilities are at the required levels for a successful African Nations Championship (“CHAN”) in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda 2024,” a statement from CAF read.

Despite the postponement, the draw, which was scheduled for Wednesday, January 15 in Nairobi, will proceed as planned.

CAF President Patrice Motsepe expressed his appreciation, stating: “I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to President William Ruto of Kenya, President Samia Suluhu Hassan of Tanzania, and President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda for their leadership, commitment, and the significant progress made in upgrading the stadiums, training fields, hotels, hospitals, and other facilities in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda for hosting a successful African Nations Championship (CHAN) Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda 2024.”

He further stated, “I am impressed with the ongoing construction and renovations of the football infrastructure in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda. I am confident that the stadiums, training fields, hotels, hospitals, and other facilities will meet the necessary CAF standards, ensuring a successful African Nations Championship (CHAN) Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda 2024 in August 2025.”

Kenya has been racing against time to complete the two competition stadiums, Moi International Sports Center Kasarani and Nyayo National Stadium, ahead of the tournament. The latest development is welcome news for Kenya, as the facilities are still under construction.

At Kasarani, the canopy roof remains unfinished, while at Nyayo National Stadium, the floodlights are yet to be installed. By Alex Isaboke, Capital  News

There are widespread fears of fresh protests in Mozambique after opposition leader Venâncio Mondlane called on his supporters to take to the streets to protest the presidential inauguration of the ruling Frelimo party’s Daniel Chapo.

After fleeing the country in late October following disputed election results, Mondlane returned last Thursday to a hero’s welcome from his supporters and a heavy riot police presence, reports Reuters. He immediately called for a three-day national strike and “peaceful demonstrations” to protest Monday’s inauguration of new legislators and Chapo’s inauguration, due to take place today.

According to the Constitutional Council, Mondlane, who is backed by the Podemos party, won 24 percent of the vote while Chapo garnered 65 percent. Mondlane continues to assert that he won and is attempting to establish himself as a president chosen “by the people.” While there is widespread agreement regarding voting irregularities in the election, no one, including Mondlane himself, has presented evidence proving that the Podemos candidate is the rightful winner.

[See more: Violence surges in Mozambique as ruling party refuses to budge on election result]

Meanwhile, the nation remains in turmoil. Armoured vehicles and military police surrounded the parliamentary building in Maputo on Monday as Mozambique’s newly elected parliament was sworn in. Roads leading to the building were blocked off by police and security reinforced across the capital, the usually bustling city turned into a ghost town. Politicians also protested the event, with 28 members of Renamo and 8 members of MDM boycotting, as well as four members of Podemos.

MDM has long disputed the election results, with its presidential candidate Lutero Simango calling for a forensic audit or recount of the votes, or “as a last resort” to have the election results annulled. On Sunday, a spokesperson for Renamo characterised the forthcoming swearing-in as “devoid of any solemn value,” saying it “constitutes a social outrage and disrespect for the will of Mozambicans, so [Renamo] will not be part of this inauguration.”

The 40 legislators who did not appear Monday have 30 days to take their seats in parliament or risk being replaced. Nearly 300 people have been killed since post-election protests began in late October, spurred by the assassination of two close Mondlane associates who were preparing a legal challenge to the results, and the subsequent tear gas attack on Mondlane, supporters and press when he spoke out about the killings two days later. Protests and the draconian response from security forces have severely disrupted lives and livelihoods in Mozambique, and some fear tensions may even escalate into another civil war. The Macao News

The government is getting ready to publish the amended draft of the ICT Authority Bill, 2024 for another round of public hearings.

This is even as the nation scrambles to set up barriers to protect the citizens, State and business entities from cybercrimes and cyber-attacks. 

In July last year, the government called for public comments on the Bill, which critics say aims to regulate the ICT industry by licensing and registering ICT companies and professionals. 

However, the ICT Authority says the Bill is good despite stiff opposition from some ICT experts, who fear the government wants to stifle the sector. 

“The comments from the public were taken into consideration by the Committee and some clauses of the Bill amended for conformity,” says the ICT Authority chief executive Stanley Kamanguya.

“We want to assure the public that the ICTA Bill is fashioned as a catalyst for sector growth rather than stifling innovations. There shall be another session of validation for both the public sector and private sector in January 2025 before it goes to Cabinet and the Attorney General for finalisation.” 

He said the ICT Authority Bill 2024 was aimed at anchoring the ICT Authority under an Act of Parliament. 

“The ICT Authority Bill 2024 is not a re-introduction of the ICT Practitioners Bill. The ICTA Bill does not in any way seek to regulate ICT Practitioners but encourages responsible development and use of ICT tools and platforms especially in the wake of increased cyber threats,” noted Kamanguya.

He said the government’s digitisation agenda requires a robust regulatory framework to prevent cases of cybercrime and protect infrastructure that supports the digital space.

“One of our challenges is vandalism of infrastructure, there is also destruction of infrastructure by other utility installations such as roads, electricity, water and rail,” he noted. 

“The OFC (Optical Fibre Cables) network deployed across the country is critical infrastructure that is installed to ensure connectivity for the citizenry.” 

The Authority is also keen to see the development of a policy on infrastructure sharing – this seeks to ensure the utilisation of existing public infrastructure to cut costs and connectivity to the unserved and underserved areas of the country.

Digital Super Highway

The Authority is also implementing several projects in the meantime. They include the Digital Super Highway, whose purpose is to increase the fibre network coverage across the country, reduce cost of internet connectivity and enhance the delivery of e-government services, including health services, agricultural services and financial services.

“The key components of the project include the deployment of 100,000 km of fibre cable, Installation of 25,000 public Wi-Fi hotspots, the establishment of 1,450 Digital Village Smart Hubs and Studios, establishment of three (3) data centres and data protection and cyber security management,” says Kamanguya. 

Another project is the Digital Skills Programme, which aims to train 20 million Kenyan citizens and equip them with relevant and necessary skills. “So far, 114,038 citizens have trained on Basic skills and Cyber Security and more than 10,000 Public servants have so far been trained in ICT and emerging technologies,” says the CEO.

Under the Presidential DigiTalent Programme (PDTP), he said the State agency has trained 2,900 Interns who graduated in ICT by placing them in various institutions in the public sector for 12 months.

Of these 1500 of the interns are gainfully employed. 

 In early December last year, the Authority onboarded 400 interns to Cohort IX. The interns shall be deployed across Ministries, Counties, Departments and Agencies) to support critical government services.

Further, they shall undergo training and mentorship from captains of industry and stakeholders in the digital space. 

Partnerships with universities 

The Authority in collaboration with Konza is implementing the Jitume labs programme in TVET institutions to install digital labs with connectivity and devices for the students to have access to digital opportunities and training. 

And in a partnership with JKUAT, the agency is also seeking to minimise the impact of e-waste. “We are cognizant of the fast evolution of digital devices and the millions of obsolete devices we have laying around. JKUAT established an industrial park to see to the rehabilitation of these devices and the safe dismantling of the same. Through the ambitious program, The Authority has been receiving obsolete devices from MCDAs for destruction,” notes the CEO. 

The Authority also partners with Dedan Kimathi University of Technology (DeKUT) for scaling innovations and incubation of innovators for proposals received through the Huduma Whitebox program.

The university holds innovation boot camps and hackathons to link innovators with angel investors and train the youth on the sustainability of the innovations, mentorship from industry players and access to financing opportunities. By Nanjinia Wamuswa, The Standard