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French voters are waiting to see the full line-up for the second round of parliamentary elections, as scores of candidates stood aside in order to help defeat the far-right National Rally (RN).

Parties have until 18:00 (17:00 BST) Tuesday evening to register contenders for Sunday.

Only then will it be clear how many from the left and centre have abandoned the race in the hope of unifying the anti-RN vote.

Last Sunday’s first round produced a big victory for the party of Marine Le Pen, which - with allies - won around 33% of the vote.

A broad left-wing alliance came second, and President Emmanuel Macron’s centrists third.

But Ms Le Pen’s chances of winning an outright majority in the 577-seat National Assembly have been dented by the blocking tactics of her party’s enemies.

In more than half of constituencies – around 300 – three candidates qualified from the first round of voting (nearly everywhere else it was just two).

If in these constituencies one of the two non-RN runners stands aside, this increases the chances of the RN candidate being defeated.

By midday Tuesday around 200 candidates from the left and centre were understood to have taken the step.

The left-wing New Popular Front (NPF) – which comprises everyone from centre-left social democrats to far-left anti-capitalists – issued instructions to all of its third-placed candidates to step down and let a centrist reap the anti-RN vote.

The NPF is thus helping two senior pro-Macron MPs – former prime minister Elisabeth Borne and Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin – to win in their constituencies in Normandy and the north.

Conversely a pro-Macron candidate has stood down in order to help radical left-winger François Ruffin defeat the RN candidate in the northern city of Amiens.

The RN’s 28 year-old president – and hopeful for prime minister – Jordan Bardella condemned these arrangements as the fruit of an “alliance of dishonour” between parties that until now have been at each other’s throats.

Instructions to candidates from Mr Macron’s centrist bloc have been more ambiguous than the NPF’s.

Though Mr Macron himself and Prime Minister Gabriel Attal have called for “no vote for the RN”, some in his camp believe its far-left component makes the NPF equally unpalatable.

Senior figures like Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire and former Prime Minister Edouard Philippe – both originally from the centre-right – are refusing to issue instructions to vote systematically against the RN.

RN insiders told Le Figaro newspaper that its opponents’ tactics did not bother them.

“On the contrary, it’s good news. The overall message they’re giving out is that it’s the entire system which is against us... It’s another big stitch-up and our voters are tired of it,” one said.

RN leaders have said they will not attempt to form a government unless they are given an outright majority in the parliament in Sunday’s vote.

They say they do not want to be given the appearance of power, if the reality is they cannot pass laws.

However on Tuesday Marine Le Pen qualified this, when she said that a lower majority would be good enough – if it does not fall too far short of the 289 member threshold.

Speaking on French radio she said that winning around 270 deputies would allow her party to open talks with individual MPs from other groups in the hope of persuading them into an accord.

“We are going to say to them: ‘Are you ready to participate with us in a new majority? Are you ready to vote a confidence motion? Are you ready to vote for the budget?’” she said.

She cited as possible targets independent MPs of right and left, and part of the conservative Republicans party which won 10% of the vote on Sunday.

If the RN wins an absolute majority on Sunday, Mr Bardella would be asked by President Macron to form a government – and there would then begin a tense period of “cohabitation” between two political enemies.

Under the French Fifth Republic constitution, power would flow away from Mr Macron to the prime minister’s office because “the government determines and conducts the policy of the nation”.

However Mr Macron would probably seek to retain powers in the areas of foreign policy and defence, which from precedent – and not from the actual wording of the constitution – have remained the preserve of the Elysée in past cohabitations.

Marine Le Pen also accused the president Tuesday of carrying out an “administrative coup d’état” because she had heard he was preparing a number of key appointments in the police and army just days ahead of the vote.

“When you want to counter the results of an election by nominating your people to jobs, and when that stops [the government] from being able to carry out policies which the French people have asked for... I call that an administrative coup d’état."

“I hope it is only rumour,” she added. By Hugh Schofield, Paris correspondent, BBC

ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna. [Collins Kweyu, Standard]

The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Party now says it will initiate the process of recalling six of its lawmakers for voting in favour of the Finance Bill 2024.

ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna, announcing the decision, cited the MPs disregard for the Party’s position.

The six MPs include Gideon Ochanda (Bondo), Elisha Odhiambo (Gem), Caroli Omondi (Suba South), Emmanuel Wangwe (Navakholo), Memusi Kanchory (Kajiado Central) and Benard Shinali (Ikolomani). 

“The ODM party shall initiate and lead the recall processes in the following constituencies in light of the current office holders repeated violation of their sacred oath and the wishes of the electorate,” said Sifuna.

According to the Party leadership, the decision was reached during a meeting of the party’s central committee today, June 2. 

The meeting of ODM’s top decision making organ was attended by the Party leader Raila Odinga and his two deputies, Hassan Joho and Wycliffe Oparanya.

Human Rights Abuses

Further, ODM has hit out President William Ruto for failing to take responsibility for human rights violations during the ongoing anti-government protests, as well as the government’s failure to protect life and property during the nationwide demonstrations. 

“We consider this to be Kenya’s last best chance. The youth have given our country our last best chance. We either seize it and swim with it by implementing all their demands, or we ignore it and sink the country altogether,” he said.

The party, funded by the exchequer, has also resolved to reduce its presence and activities countrywide in line with the economic situation the country is facing and has challenged the government to implement similar cost cutting measures. 

“The ODM party will support credible austerity measures in the executive and parliament. These two institutions have been expressly indicted by the people as citadels of largesse and wastage,” said Sifuna. ODM has asked its leaders to listen more to the electorate. By Denis Omondi, The Standard

 
Suss Ads Managing Partner Dennis Maina hands over a cheque to Githumu Boys High School during the launch of Suss NextGen Programme. [Brian Ngugi, Standard]

Kenyan students are set to benefit from a new national programme aimed at equipping them with the skills and resources needed to succeed in the digital age.

The initiative dubbed ‘the Suss NextGen Programme’, was launched by the leading Marketing and Technology (MarTech) Agency, Suss Ads.

The program will provide high schools and tertiary institutions across the country with essential tech-led platforms, knowledge, resources, and opportunities. 

 Githumu Boys High School, the alma mater of Suss Ads Managing Partner Dennis Maina, is one of the first beneficiaries.

The school received a commitment of Sh500,000 to revitalise its tech lab, with an initial donation of Sh100,000 from Suss Ads.

"We recognize the pivotal role technology plays in modern education," said Maina. "The Suss NextGen Program is our way of equipping students with the tools they need to excel in today's digital landscape."

The programme aims to bridge the gap in technology access and educational opportunities for Kenyan students. Githumu Boys Deputy Principal Vincent Mutuku welcomed the initiative, highlighting the previous challenges faced by the school due to limited computer availability. The new equipment will significantly improve student learning, he said.

Maina's vision extends beyond Githumu Boys. He hopes the program will empower the next generation of Kenyans digitally and close the digital divide. The initiative also resonated with students like James Omollo, who praised the programme and the involvement of a successful alumnus like Maina. 

"This is a great example for all students," Omollo said, "and it's motivating to see one of our former students become one of Africa's youngest entrepreneurs."

The launch of the Suss NextGen Program coincides with Suss Ads' third anniversary. Maina expressed gratitude for the partnerships that have fuelled the agency's growth and pledged to continue working towards a future where every student thrives in a digitally interconnected world. By Brian Ngugi, The standard

Kenya Airports Authority Head Office at Tower Avenue in Nairobi.

The Kenya Airports Authority (KAA) is under intense scrutiny following revelations of undisclosed contracts and agreements for leasing space to private entities. 

A recent report by Auditor General Nancy Gathungu has unveiled significant irregularities in the Authority's operations, raising concerns about potential revenue loss and illegal activities within the country's airports. 

The Auditor General's report highlights several critical issues, particularly the unbilled facilitation concession income balance of Ksh7.6 million.

According to Gathungu, seven facilitation firms were granted access to airport spaces to operate within the airport during the year under review. However, the KAA failed to provide any contracts or agreements between the Authority and these firms for audit review.

OFFICE OF THE AUDITOR GENERAL

"Further, the balance includes a facilitation concession income balance of Ksh7,575,557. However, it was noted that seven facilitation firms were issued with airport access passes to operate within the airport during the year under review but no contracts or agreements between the Authority and the firms were provided for audit review," Gathungu stated under the Unbilled Facilitation Concession clause.

The lack of documentation raises serious questions about the basis of revenue declared by these unauthorized firms operating at the airport.  

Without any supporting contract agreements, the declarations made by these firms and the legality of their operations remain undetermined.

"In the absence of contracts agreement stipulating the terms of operation, there is a possibility of revenue loss through undeclared and unremitted facilitation concession income," Gathungu warned. 

This statement underscores the potential financial implications of the KAA's failure to maintain proper contractual oversight, which could lead to substantial revenue losses for the Authority.

In his report, the chairman of the Board, Caleb Kositany was optimistic that the authority had recovered and attracted revenue despite a hostile economic environment to operate and soar to full potential. 

"Within the local aviation landscape, we have witnessed remarkable progress, exemplified by a substantial recovery of 103 per cent in passenger numbers compared to pre-Covid-19 levels. This resurgence has also been marked by an 8.6 per cent growth in aircraft movements and a 0.6 per cent upswing in cargo movements in comparison to the previous year ending June 30, 2023."

"KAA has exhibited robust financial performance, with revenues soaring by an impressive 27 per cent to Ksh17.02 billion. There were prudent cost management practices within the year however, to enable the construction of Terminal 3 at JKIA the Authority through a planned negotiation and approval by the cabinet a write-off of Ksh4.6 billion was factored during the period. This therefore made the Authority finally register a pretax loss of Ksh3.7 billion," Kositany said in a statement. By HEBREWS RONO, Kenyans.co.ke

Young men practising plumbing in Don Bosco vocational training centre. PHOTO | POOL

Eraste Mwaka, 43, left his home in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) full of hope that he’d find a lasting, peaceful and better life in Nairobi, but reality tasted different when he set foot in Kenya.

By the time he decided to part ways with his old life in eastern DRC, where he had a stable, well-paying job with a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO), he had had it all. The rebels in the region had made it their mission to make sure he had no peace in life, only because he refused to join them.

“They really terrorised me, consistently stealing from me the NGO’s property, which I had to pay for. They could even come to my house at night while I’m away, steal my things, rape my wife! I felt that was too much and finally decided to leave,” Mwaka recalls.

 

To him, Kenya was an ideal destination not only because it was far from the home that had become hell, but also because he believed it to be a great and welcoming country for refugees.

Like most first-time visitors to Kenya, he had been persuaded beyond doubt that Kenya is a safe and pleasant place to be in, thanks to the widely publicised song ‘Jambo Kenya,’ which culminates to the world-renowned phrase “Nchi yetu, hakuna matata”, Kiswahili for “there’s no trouble in our country.”

His little grasp of the Swahili language led him to believe that a beautiful life awaited him and his family in Kenya. In 2014, he sold his property, liquidated his accounts, bought US dollars and set out with his wife and three children to Nairobi.

refugee

An old man practising plumbing in Don Bosco vocational training centre. PHOTO | POOL

But the beautiful life he had envisioned was not to be. At first, all was well because he had the money he brought with him. But it would soon run out forcing him to find a job to fend for his family, and there he met his first trouble in Kenya – getting an identification.

After waiting for over three months, he finally got an alien identification card, but as he would soon realise, the card was nearly worthless if not for giving him legal status in the country.

He couldn’t get registered on any mobile network or mobile money platform, open a bank account or access any regulated credit or savings service provider with the alien ID alone. And without any of these, it was not only impossible to get a job but also difficult to self-employ.

“In DRC, I had worked with four NGOs, and I was being paid well, averagely $1,000 every month. But here, I couldn’t find a matching job. I could only find menial jobs which were too hard for me, I could barely survive,” he recounts.

Circumstances seemed to have sealed his fate and for over six years, Mr Mwaka and his family lived in abject poverty in Nairobi.

At some point, he says, they had to live in a school, sometimes in churches and some days they would beg caretakers to stay a night in vacant houses. Most days, they survived on handouts from charities in the city. All because he was cut off from the financial system.

Today, he runs a phone repair shop in Nairobi’s suburb, thanks to help from two charities – HIAS, which paid for his training in a phone repair course, and GiveDirectly, which gave him a Ksh100,000 ($772) unconditional grant which he used to start the business.

To get the grant, GiveDirectly, a cash transfer charity working with vulnerable communities, helped him set up a bank account, enabling him access to a safe place to keep his money, but even that still doesn’t give him access to credit.

Mobile money

And in a country where many transactions are done through mobile money, he has to manage without an account. In an urban centre no less, it is harder to survive without access to a mobile money account or a bank account.

Like most urban refugees in Nairobi, Mr Mwaka only owns a SIM card and a mobile money account by proxy, the risks of which are not lost on him. Just recently, he lost Ksh12,000 ($92) because he misplaced the SIM card and his proxy couldn’t provide their national ID card for replacement.

This challenge is not unique to him. Most refugees in Nairobi today are unable to fully integrate into the society because they lack access to crucial financial services, which seemingly results from increased rigidity of the regulations governing the financial services sector.

For instance, Farhiyo Mohamed Elmi, 42, who fled her home in Mogadishu, Somalia in 2007 due to the civil war, found a home in Nairobi and was able to get a mobile money account using her alien ID card, but laws have since changed and even her own daughter now can’t.

“Back then I was able to register a line, but my friends who have tried lately are told they can’t be registered using the alien ID card,” she told The EastAfrican.

Such is also the plight of Hakizimana* (not his real name), a Rwandan who fled the country in 2006 due to persecution. He was able to register a phone number back in the days, but his wife and children who joined him later have not been able to, forcing them to using proxies, like many other refugees.

But even Hakizimana still lacks access to crucial financial services like credit. To make ends meet, he makes sculptors and sells them to retailers who sell to tourists in Nairobi, but he wishes he could get more from his craft.

Read: Refugees, locals to mix as Kenya closes camps

“If I could just access a loan to open up my own shop and be able to sell directly to clients, I could make so much more. I don’t make as much here because of the middlemen,” he says.

Both Farhiyo and Hakizimana were also beneficiaries of the GiveDirectly grant to urban refugees, which they both used to start or build the small businesses they rely on today, and was also the only reason they own bank accounts today.

Not all refugees are lucky to land such donations or charities which can help them set up even a bank account.

Many urban refugees in Nairobi rely on proxies to be able to access any semblance of a financial service, and most are completely cut off from the conventional banking services.

“They don’t have access to financial services and one of the biggest reasons for that is their lack of proper documentation and perceptions in the community,” argues Teddy Kinyoro, a senior programmes manager at GiveDirectly in Nairobi.

For urban refugees, the financial exclusion is nearly as bad as a lack of identity altogether. “The challenges refugees face in urban areas are very unique compared to rural set-ups,” argues Mr Kinyoro.

“Refugees don’t have access to land. The only thing they have access to is a small space they can set up a business, but even setting up a business requires money, and this is what they can’t get.”

According to Mr Kinyoro, all of the over 800 refugees who benefitted from their urban refugee programme about two years ago had no bank accounts.

Read: No funds to support DRC refugees in Tanzania

They were only able to get the accounts through the charity’s intervention, since they have a Memorandum of Understanding with one of the commercial banks in the country, which waived the requirement for some documents.

To get a bank account from most banks in Kenya, refugees are required to have a PIN Certificate from the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), a Refugee Card, and sometimes a recognition letter from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or even a work permit, all of which they cannot immediately access, and most take years before they can get any of them.

“Very few refugees have a KRA PIN, for instance. To get it, a refugee must have a Refugee Card, it’s non-negotiable,” said Mr Kinyoro, adding that based on their research, only about 40 percent of refugees have a valid refugee card.

This essentially means that as a registered asylum seeker in Kenya, there is no way you can open a bank account to enable you transfer assets or receive money from abroad. Even for those granted refugee status, it is still a nightmare.

refugees

Congolese refugee Grace Kashama (L) learns tailoring under the guidance of a staff member of People for Peace and Defense of Rights (PPRD), a refugee-led NGO, during a tailoring and fashion training class in Kampala, Uganda on June 11, 2024. PHOTO | XINHUA

“It is possible to open a bank account as a refugee but it’s extremely difficult,” argued Mr Kinyoro.

Muthoki Mumo, sub-Saharan Africa representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), told The EastAfrican that even with all the necessary documents, exiled journalists in Kenya still find it hard to access financial services.

“Not only is earning an income a problem, but accessing the basic financial services that many of us Kenyans take for granted,” Ms Mumo said.

CPJ helps relocate journalists facing an imminent threat in their countries due to their journalistic work.

Ms Mumo told The EastAfrican that Kenya has proven nearly uninhabitable for exiled journalists due to the difficulties in accessing financial services, and many of them eventually opt to settle down elsewhere.

Why is it so hard for refugees and asylum seekers to access financial services in Kenya?

According to Mr Kinyoro, the problem is rooted in the difficulty accessing the required documentation, especially the alien ID card, which mainly stems from administrative challenges due to the huge backlog of asylum seekers in the country at any given time.

Refugee status

Ms Mumo adds: “There’s the issue of access to information; maybe people coming here do not immediately have access to the information they need to navigate the system. Secondly, even when things are working perfectly, there’s a bureaucracy to deal with, but things never work perfectly because it’s a system that is strained with many people seeking to get services.”

Indeed, data from the UNHCR shows Kenya is currently host to about 538,899 refugees and 152,942 asylum seekers – who are yet to be granted refugee status in the country as of December last year.

The number of refugees rose seven percent since end of 2022, but the number of asylum seekers more than doubled from 69,011 in 2022, reflecting a slow processing of asylum seekers and granting of refugee status.

Compared to neighbouring Uganda, Kenya appears be processing asylum seekers much slower despite having fewer refugees compared to Kampala.

Last year, for example, Kenya granted refugee status to only 34,426 people, while Uganda welcomed 113,975 new refugees to its borders, with only 37,657 asylum seekers left pending at the end of the year.

Currently, Uganda hosts over 1.5 million refugees, more than triple the number in Kenya, and experts believe this could be linked to the fact that refugees find it more habitable than Kenya, especially in terms of financial inclusion.

“In some ways, Uganda is a much friendlier place to be as a refugee compared to Kenya,” argues Ms Mumo.

“Overall, we have a very different situation in Uganda with the national refugee policy and the open-door policy, whereby refugees are allowed to move freely and access all the different types of services like nationals,” said Matilda Jerneck, cash-based interventions coordinator at UNHCR Uganda.

One of the stark differences with Kenya is that in Uganda, the refugee card alone or even the family attestation document – the equivalent of the proof of registration in Kenya – is enough to open a bank or a mobile money account.

It is also easier and faster to get the necessary refugee documentation in Uganda, and refugees are allowed to even own assets such as motor vehicles or land, unlike in Kenya.

According to Ms Jerneck, this hasn’t always been the case in Uganda.

According to her, Uganda succeeded because it considered refugees as a ‘specific interest group’ in its national financial inclusion policy and endeavoured to ensure inter-operability between different regulators, banks and mobile network operators to ensure the refugee documentations can be easily verified.

Both Mr Kinyoro and Ms Mumo contend that this one of the major challenges in Kenya.

Banks and mobile network operators cannot easily verify these documents and therefore opt not to take them in the registration process.
The Central Bank of Kenya, which is the financial sector regulator in Kenya, acknowledged receipt of our questions on their work plan to help boost financial inclusion for refugees in the country, but did not respond by the time of going to press.

However, the government this month received a $50 million grant from the World Bank to help with its refugee policy reforms aimed at improving their participation in the labour market and their access to basic social and financial services.

GiveDirectly’s research reveals that the urban refugees that benefited from their programme and gained access to banks accounts were able to save more and about 81 percent realised an increase in income levels.

Yet, gaining access to these services is the first step. Ms Jerneck and Mr Kinyoro contend that there needs also to be an attitude change towards refugees; to consider them just as risky as locals so lenders can loan them just as easily as they would citizens. By Vincent Owino, The East African

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