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East Africa

Margaret Ruto, a Pennsylvania nurse in her mid-30s, thought she was returning to the rolling green hills of Kenya's tea-growing region to care for her dying mother-in-law.

Instead, a fluke of fate awaited her: A man who lived just 10 minutes from her home in the United States had opened an orphanage not 10 minutes from her ancestral village in Kenya - and children were saying they had been sexually abused there.

It was the summer of 2018, and she found the village in uproar. Two girls, 12 and 14, had recently escaped and shared horror stories of sexual abuse at the hands of the orphanage's director, Gregory Dow. 

Ruto was led to a rumpled patch of earth behind the orphanage. Former employees said a 9-month-old boy buried there had died a few years earlier after choking on something while he'd been left unsupervised.

Standing over the grave, she felt dizzy. It was a moment that would divide her life into a before and an after: a transformation from an "ordinary woman" into a detective.

Dow, whom she would spend the next year chasing, had already fled back to Pennsylvania after members of the community confronted him and alerted authorities. Kenyan police say they missed catching him at the airport by just a few hours.

 

Locals told Ruto they feared that this entitled, White foreigner claiming to be a devout Christian was going to evade justice.

"I was meant to know about this," she remembered thinking. "And I was meant to do something about it."

Turmoil lay ahead that Ruto, a dual US-Kenyan citizen, could scarcely have imagined: sleuthing on two continents, constantly looking over her shoulder, working through the trauma of child sex abuse survivors, and sobbing uncontrollably in her car, all while compiling a shocking investigation that would eventually make it into the hands of FBI agents, splash across the front pages of every Kenyan newspaper and dramatically alter Kenya's child services policies.

 
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The only hint of her involvement until now has been an official acknowledgment that the FBI was "acting on a tip."

After agreeing to a plea deal, Gregory Dow, now 61, was sentenced Thursday in a U.S. federal court to 188 months in prison on four counts of "engaging in illicit sexual conduct in foreign places." Dow will be nearly 80 years old if he makes it to the end of his sentence.

Dow's plea deal acknowledges guilt on all charges brought against him. His attorneys did not make Dow available to respond to the allegations of deaths at the orphanage, saying only that he had never publicly addressed those claims. A special clause in the US penal code allows for prosecution of child abuse cases committed by Americans overseas.

During the sentencing hearing Thursday, Dow apologized "for the pain that I've caused." Judge Edward G. Smith called him "a missionary from hell."

Ruto is coming forward with her story because she - and the FBI and the US attorney's office that prosecuted Dow - hope it will inspire similar sleuthing instincts in others.

"Ultimately, Ms. Ruto's information found its way to a team of dedicated FBI agents, who . . . gathered the evidence required to charge Dow and hold him accountable for the monstrous abuse he perpetrated on his victims," William M. McSwain, the US attorney at the time in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, said in a statement to The Washington Post. "This case is a textbook example of the ways in which the public can assist law enforcement in bringing sexual predators like Dow, and other criminals, to justice."

Separately, Kenyan police exhumed and autopsied the body of the 9-month-old, James Kipkirui, as part of an ongoing investigation into the circumstances of his death, according to Johansen Oduor, the government's chief forensic pathologist.

Three summers ago, Ruto made a silent, solemn promise that nothing would stop her - not corrupt authorities in Kenya and not sticky-slow bureaucracy in the United States - from pursuing justice for the children at the orphanage.

"I'm just an ordinary woman, a nurse, a mother," she recalled recently. "I had no idea what I was getting into."

The shallow grave where James Kipkirui was buried after his death under unusual circumstances at the Dow Family Children's Home. Picture: Sarah Waiswa/The Washington Post

Kenya has a vast array of missionary-run institutions, including nursing homes, schools and orphanages. Often, impoverished families avoid extra financial burden by sending their children and elderly to live at these charitable institutions.

When the Dow Family Children's Home opened in 2008, foreigners were not required to submit to background checks. It is possible that no one in Kenya was aware Dow had been a registered sex offender in the United States until 2006.

Dow's case was the latest abuse scandal linked to White missionaries in Kenya. In 2016, for instance, a 21-year-old Oklahoma man named Matthew Durham was sentenced in a US federal court to 40 years in prison for molesting eight children at a Nairobi orphanage. Years earlier, a prominent Italian Catholic priest was accused of molesting boys in his care, and while Kenyan authorities dropped charges for a lack of evidence, suspicion still lingers.

At least 83 children ages 9 months to 18 years lived in Dow's home before it was closed in 2017, after two girls escaped and their parents filed cases with the police.

Those tip-offs and others led to the arrest of Dow's wife, Mary Rose, who ran the orphanage with him, on child abuse charges. Dow, however, "managed to escape" to the United States, where he insisted on his and his wife's innocence, according to Simon Chelugui, Kenya's minister of labour and social services. Kenyan authorities said that they informed Interpol, the international policing body, of the allegations against Dow, but that he remained free in Pennsylvania, where he continued to deny any wrongdoing.

In an email to his funders and supporters in September 2017, Dow explained his wife's arrest and his decision to flee Kenya as resulting from "an orchestrated effort by a number of disgruntled youth, dysfunctional family members, a former employee and some family members" who had "fanned a fire of rebellion and hatred over the locals and authorities“.

On her trip back to Kenya, Ruto took stock of the community's anger. She gained the trust of the abused girls and their parents and took down their gut-wrenching version of events in notepads and videos on her phone.

This case is a textbook example of the ways in which the public can assist law enforcement in bringing sexual predators like Dow, and other criminals, to justice.

Twelve- and 14-year-old girls told her about being taken by Mary Rose to a clinic to have "matchsticks" put in their upper arms. Recognizing them as the birth-control implant Norplant, Ruto began to understand the extent of the crimes that the husband and wife who ran the home might have committed.

Kenyan and US investigators would later confirm Ruto's hunch, with McSwain describing the procedure as a way for Dow to "perpetrate his crimes without fear of impregnating his victims" in a Department of Justice news release on the case.

"The girls would tell me how Dow would take the older ones, a different one each time, and force them to have sex with him," she said on a trip back to Kenya last year. The girls spoke of being forced to drink alcohol or eat soap if they disobeyed any advances Dow made. Court documents in the U.S. trial against Dow as well as the Kenyan trial for Mary Rose include testimony from girls relaying the same experiences.

Mary Rose was found guilty in January 2018 on four counts of child abuse, but was released after paying a fine of about $500 in lieu of two years' imprisonment. During the trial, in which she pleaded not guilty, she told a Kenyan court that she took girls to get birth-control implants because they were "promiscuous." (Mary Rose has since left Kenya. She did not respond to a request for comment, and US law enforcement authorities would not say why she wasn't charged alongside her husband.)

That same year, from her home just down the road from Dow's in Pennsylvania, Ruto sought what information she could about him, using his public Facebook page to contact people in his network. She even knocked on Dow's door, but he didn't open it. She enlisted a Facebook group called KWITU - Kenyan Women in the United States - to help raise public outcry in Pennsylvania.

When Ruto approached the police in Lancaster, they referred her to the district attorney's office, which passed her to the State Department and ultimately the US Embassy in Kenya.

"I hit a wall there. Nobody would commit to following it up," she said. "For the longest time, I wondered, will someone hear me, will someone believe me? Dow had been saying Kenyans are volatile people, jealous people - that people made this all up to try and take his land. I was afraid people were going to believe that."

After several months of trying, Ruto changed course and took her investigation to the LNP, a newspaper in Lancaster. She believes that is what it took to get US authorities more seriously involved. Just days after the LNP piece published, she got a call from the FBI requesting a meeting. Dow was arrested months later after the FBI concluded its own investigation.

Sharon, 16, outside the home where she lives with her mother and siblings. She was taken to the Dow Family Children's Home when she was 7, but ran away at 12. Picture: Sarah Waiswa/The Washington Post

To cooperate with that investigation, Ruto kept her involvement mostly to herself at the request of law enforcement officials.

But locals who live in the area around the orphanage say they knew of her involvement and admired her decision to help instead of just returning home to the United States. In Kenya, it often takes money or status to spur the police to file cases or otherwise pursue justice. She had influence in a way few in the village did.

"If it were not for Maggie's extreme efforts, everybody and everything would have been in darkness," said Davis Bett, who used to work as a gardener at the orphanage.

Bett and other employees had confronted Dow about his abusive behaviour and also tried to alert local social services officials, but say they were rebuffed.

"At one point, I reached out to the children's department and one of the officials told me that the home was 'a small America in the village' and that I should leave Gregory alone," Bett said.

Ruto, Bett and others say that, based on their conversations with girls from the home, Dow sexually abused more than the four in whose cases he was convicted. They also say Kenyan authorities have been slow to investigate the deaths of children at the home like 9-month-old James.

Local officials say that James's body was exhumed and that an autopsy was performed in June 2019. But no cause of death was determined and the body was not returned to his family members, who say they are still waiting for communication from the government.

"I allowed my daughter to take her children to the White man because of poverty," said Lucia Langat, 50, James's grandmother. "I do not think any person in this village can ever give their children out to a White man again."

After the orphanage closed, the children were sent to other homes or back to parents who had left them there as infants and toddlers.

Since then, Kenya has imposed a moratorium on foreigners opening orphanages, and requires more-stringent background checks to be done during the processing of missionary visas. Locals supported those moves and were pleased that Dow will potentially spend the rest of his life in prison, but they expressed bitterness at being left alone to cope with the trauma.

Dow "deserved a life sentence. These children called him 'Dad.' That was a deep betrayal," said Mary Rotich, Langat's neighbour. "What can ease the suffering of these families is compensation to make their lives better."

Ruto, too, is haunted by the cases the FBI was ultimately unable to corroborate. It is part of what spurred her to enroll this year in an online criminal justice course, which she attends in between gruelling shifts taking care of coronavirus patients at a Lancaster nursing home.

"It was not just four girls," Ruto said. "The rest of the victims and their families deserve so much better. You can't say that justice has been fully done yet." IOL

By JULIUS MBALUTO

In a book tilted ‘A theory of justice’ Philosopher and the writer John Rawls argues that those who hold extreme views against the majority in any society should not be given public platforms.

What does this mean? You see, we live in societies where given the chance everyone would carry on doing what they wish to regardless of the consequences therein. It is human nature to pursue self-interests in most of the things people do.

However, modern societies are regulated by a framework which ensures all live together harmoniously. This framework reflects on justice and fairness. It reflects on freedoms we all enjoy. It reflects on rights which we hold as individuals. Without such legal framework, we shall live in anarchy.

This therefore calls for tolerance of divergent views. It calls for respect to those who hold those divergent views. It calls for protection of the rights of those who hold such views. However, as John Rawls would have it, only those who hold extreme views like a man who picks up a microphone and calls for many people to be discriminated against or even killed, such characters, John advocates they should be denied access to any public platform.

The reason for this is that whatever they say threatens to tear the society apart. In essence, John argues that your rights stop where mine start. Hence, tolerance for each other remain the driving force for a peaceful co-existence by all members of any society.

Watching the current political trends in Kenya, I can say for sure the Kenyan public platforms have been taken over by politicians who wants power so desperately and to get it, they don’t care who gets hurt on the way, they simply want power by any means necessary.

Our politicians, across board never stop to engage in politics regardless of where they are. We see them in funerals where some even forget to condole the bereaved families and engage in their politics straightaway. We have seen them in Churches where campaigning for popular narratives seems to have been normalized. 

These politicians keep the country on a political campaign mode throughout. Just imagine the impact of this on development and the economy of the country.

Take Jubilee government for example. The President Uhuru Kenyatta focused on Big Four Agenda and BBI (Building Bridges Initiative) but his deputy William Ruto opposes BBI and is busy campaigning for 2022 elections.

Well, In his novel, Chinua Achebe once wrote, “the centre cannot hold, things fall apart”. In the bible too, it is written, a house divided amongst itself cannot stand. 

Without any shadow of doubt, Kenya is experiencing serious political divisions. At the national level, we have William Ruto’s Hustler movement and as well the BBI (Building Bridges Initiative) led by the President Uhuru Kenyatta and former PM Rt Hon Raila Odinga both going at it hammer and tongs.

We have seen politicians insulting their opponents and worst still paying goons to stone their opponents. The violence in Kenol in Muranga County in Kenya, the stoning of Raila’s convoy by supporters of Deputy President William Ruto at Githurai and the violence in Kisii where politicians clobbered each other during a funeral should awaken us to the great danger political intolerance poses.

We have also seen cars and buses been burned because of the hustler verses dynasties narrative. It is imperative that Kenyan leaders sober up, pose for a moment and for once know words have power.

Words can build. Words can tear. Words can ignite fire. Words can put off fire. Every word uttered matter. So Kenyan leaders, preach peace, learn to tolerate political differences and know that we only have one country which we intend to preserve.

 

 

 

Kenyan students getting checked for coronavirus symptoms as they enter school. Photo AP

 

President Yoweri Museveni has given an all-clear to semi candidate students to resume school on March 1. In a televised address on Thursday, Museveni said students in primary six, senior three, senior five can resume school to complete the 2020 academic which will run up to end of July. The president also said universities and other tertiary institutions can resume on-campus classes albeit in a "staggered" manner with strong adherence to coronavirus standard operating procedures (SOPs).  

The end of the academic year means that learners at different levels will now be moving to the next levels or classes on the ladder of education. In Uganda, the academic year usually runs from late January to early December with three terms covering about 260 days of curricula and co-curricular activities, assessment, and national examinations.

However, the 2020 academic year was interrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic which forced the government to close down all educational institutions in March 2020. 

At that time of the closure, the idea was that learners could report back to school after 32 days. But, eleven months down the road, a few learners in candidate classes and higher education finalists have been able to resume teaching and learning activities.

Museveni said the returning students will study in a staggered system where different groups of learners will be reporting to school on different days as decided by the ministry or school authorities. He further argues that normal learning will possibly resume after a section of Ugandans have been vaccinated against the coronavirus. 

On the fate of learners in other classes, the president says they will also return to school after candidates have finished sitting their examinations in April this year. He, however, advises that they will also learn based on a staggered system blended with long-distance education whose detailed planned will be worked out later by the ministry of Education.

Museveni also expressed disappointment with the MPs who frustrated the home-schooling programme which was supposed to be through radio and television broadcast lessons.

Museveni said it was a pity that some people interfered with radios for every homestead for students to continue with long distance learning. "I was busy campaigning, I didn't time to fight, it would have caused some little war. But God is there!"

Last year, parliament declined to approve Shs 336.8 billion that was requested to purchase 9 million radio sets. The MPs branded the plan as an unnecessary expenditure. It was also revealed that during an onsite visit of the purported radio assembly plant, the MPs found no radios with the authorities instead setting their sights on importing the radios. 

Pre-primary learning quashed

In a related development Education minister Janet Museveni said learners in nursery and pre-primary school will not resume school until when the coronavirus pandemic is over.

Ms Museveni said learners in those classes can hardly adhere to the coronavirus standard operating procedures and might end up contracting the virus and spreading it to their parents. The coronavirus disease generally doesn't affect young children but they too can get infected and are also capable of spreading it to the much more vulnerable older persons. - URN/The Observer

'Fimbo ya Nyayo' taken to Parliament./EZEKIEL AMING'A
 
In Summary
  • ODM was the first to take the role of defending the President with gusto
  • That role is however now ably handled by Wiper leader Kalonzo
 

Kalonzo Musyoka, he of the watermelon monicker, is an interesting politician indeed! History bears him out as among the Nyayo era loyalists who would sing ‘Kanu juu’ to high heavens and prescribe tougher actions against those who were perceived to want to derail the Nyayo train.

That was until he realised that multiparty was a reality and jumped ship to the opposition, but not before he felt shortchanged by President Moi.

Twice, he snubbed Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto’s overtures to form a formidable team because he felt that his buttered side of the bread was in the opposition. This, despite playing shuttle diplomacy for the duo during the sunset years of President Kibaki’s rule. 

But old habits die hard, or they don’t die at all? Since President Uhuru Kenyatta’s second term began, he has not been short of hatchet men and women, the unashamedly hypocritical and sycophantic fellows who only the space and political dispensation they operate in make them look a bit refined.

Those who witnessed the Kanu regime’s iron-fisted rule and how Nyayo made use of leaders with the finest of education, character and integrity to do his biddings, would remind us that none should wish for a return to such tendencies. 

It ruined the country’s capacity and capital—human, financial and emotional—to the extent that nobody had a mind, capability of their own apart from that of the ruling class.

ODM was the first to take the role of defending the President with gusto. That role is however now ably handled by Wiper leader Kalonzo. He has baffled pundits by the way he has found his old Kanu voice, telling the President to crack the whip and expel rebels. 

Musalia Mudavadi seems to have learnt from the 2013 debacle that preceded the UhuRuto presidency and is now more cautious while dealing with the powers that be. But Kenyans must resist attempts to go back to the ignominious past.

Economic and political analyst

TEHRAN, Feb. 07 (MNA) – An explosion in Somalia has left 12 security agents dead on Sunday, police reported.

A roadside explosion outside the central Somalian town of Dhusamareb has killed 12 agents from the National Intelligence and Security Agency, police said in a statement, Sputnik reported.

The al Shabaab militant group has claimed responsibility for the attack, according to reports.

Somalia has been engulfed in violence since the eruption of a civil war between clan-based armed groups in the early 1990s. The situation has been further complicated by Al-Shabaab militants, who are staging numerous attacks across the country in an attempt to impose its radical law in the country. MEHR News Agency

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