Donation Amount. Min £2

East Africa

By now you might have seen or heard about the sensational piece of fake news that went viral a few days on WhatsApp, claiming that western Uganda, President Yoweri Museveni’s home region (with a third of Uganda’s population), had 270 MPs, more than the rest of the regions combined, which had 256 MPs. It was wrong, as western region has 129 MPs, fewer than eastern region, which has 141, almost as many as the north, and only 24 more than central.

The fake news, however, was/is widely believed and, curiously, it took at least a day for the political system and Ugandan truth keepers on social media to counter it. The misinformation was a piece of near-genius misinformation. Many believed it, because the Museveni government has been portrayed successfully as sectarian and many consider it to be “tribal”.

Secondly, it was well-timed when feelings are still running high over the January 14 elections, which rivals have rejected as stolen and runner-up Robert Kyagulanyi (Bobi Wine) is challenging in court. In the prevailing ill-will, such “news” is likely to be well-received.

Except, this doesn’t end there. In Ugandan history, such fake news has always been an indicator of a wider political contest – and in the early 1980s, ironically, President Museveni was a beneficiary.  Generally, what have now gained prominence the world over as fake news and conspiracy theories, don’t happen randomly or in a vacuum.

It can be deadly propaganda, used to incite violence, but it can also be revolutionary, a weapon of the weak against the powerful. A Goliathan state, frustrated by the enduring popularity of an Opposition figure or his tenacity, will resort to fake news (and trumped-up charges of rape) against him - just ask FDC’s Kizza Besigye. 

But a David-like Opposition or group will also resort to fake news, alleging the President is sacrificing children, has ordered a massacre he didn’t, is plotting to steal a community’s land, has done a corrupt deal with a foreign company, or was behind a car accident in which a famous person died.

By so doing, they heighten hatred for the Big Man, and diminish him. A fellow who loses the affection of a beautiful woman to a rival, will spread false stories about the victor on social media; a woman whose boyfriend takes off with her friend, will unleash fiery lies about them on Facebook or Instagram.

Nativists groups fearing they are being out-numbered by immigrants will spread conspiracies and apocalyptic tales about them, and the liberal politicians who support them. Liberal groups will do the same to loony conservative politicians and forces. The actors understand information asymmetry, or have a savvy of social prejudices and psychological needs.

No one had paid attention to the distribution of MPs in Uganda by region. But the creators of the infographic, also understood there is a yearning to see Museveni’s regime as evil and unjust, and supplied the information that feeds the need.

In the 1960s, as this column reported before, one of the big stories in Uganda, especially in the south, was about alleged mysterious appearances of a giant red lizard called embalasasa (red‐franked skink lygosoma). Being red, the embalasasa is unsettling, even if it wasn’t big. Milton Obote, in the wake of his government’s attack on the Buganda royal place, Lubiri, was deeply unpopular in the region.

Embalasasa would cause panic, and had the State scrambling to deal with sightings. No sighting was ever reported, but it became a force the Obote government couldn’t control. It embodied the regime’s powerlessness.

During Idi Amin’s rule, a tormented country resorted to similar subterfuge. There were so many political rumours that caused panic, Amin’s government actually banned rumours. It was common all over the country for the charismatic former Obote army chief Oyite Ojok to allegedly appear in barracks, in streets, in State House, everywhere.

Amin soldiers would flee roadblocks on rumours of Oyite approaching, and military operations would be carried to arrest him. There was no Oyite. He was ghost that a helpless country threw up to gaslight Amin and make his terror machine feel small.

In the early 1980s, when Museveni was fighting the bush war in Luweero, he caused similar mayhem. There were wild stories about Museveni appearing as a rat or cat, sneaking into Bank of Uganda, and walking out with sacks of money to fight his war.

There were stampedes and mass deployment to catch a Museveni who had been “seen” buying stuff in Bwaise.
Mobile phones, the internet, and social media have highly technologised these old wild rumours. What hasn’t changed are the small people, the tormented and oppressed, playing David and using them as weapons, in this case, against Goliath Tibuhaburwa.

Mr Onyango-Obbo is a journalist,
writer and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. Twitter@cobbo3

Tanzania has barred institutions from talking about the novel coronavirusThis was after one college produced a document warning students of the potential presence of the virus in the country.

While denouncing the University Vice Chancellor’s warning, the government warned all institutions against using the government emblems whenever they express their personal opinion.

Professor Elifasi Tozo Bisanda warned the student community of the virus and also expressed his concerns in the recent deaths that involved several university scholars. The government however despised the warning and urged the student to continue with their normal study.

“The ministry is issuing a warning to officials and staff of the ministry of education, science and technology, and its institutions to refrain from using government emblems when expressing personal opinions,” reads a statement from the government

KDRTV understands that several institutions including churches have hinted at the presence of Covid-19 in Tanzania, however, the current administration headed by President John Pombe Magufuli has maintained that Tanzania is free of Covid-19. 

The U.S. has also said that there is a higher possibility the there is coronavirus in Tanzania and advised its citizens against traveling to the country. There a section of Tanzanians who are thinking that it is time to break the silence now. There are have been concerns of deaths that have not clear causes and many of them are believed to have been caused by the pandemic. KDRTV

Photo Radio Tamazuj

 

At least six Ugandan nationals and four South Sudanese have been arrested in Pajok of the defunct Ayachi County in South Sudan’s Eastern Equatoria state for illegal timber logging.

The suspects arrested over the weekend were brought to the state headquarters police central division in Torit on Monday for further investigations and trial.

In August last year, Eastern Equatoria State Governor Louis Lobong Lojore issued an order banning what he described as rampant logging in the state.

Maj. Justine Kleopus Takuru Yanga the area police spokesperson told Radio Tamazuj this afternoon that this is the fifth reported case of logging in the state.

“These people are 10 in number, four are South Sudanese from Acholi tribe and we have six foreigners from Uganda. So these people entered the forest and after cutting a big number of trees there, the information reached the government. The executive director plus the responsible people there arrested these people, and they did not have a letter of approval,” he said.

Kleopus revealed that the suspects claim they had sought permission from the community, a process he says is wrong.

“The state had issued a decree that nobody should cut trees anyhow even the community should not. They should write a letter to the state there is a committee here formed that will study the reasons for cutting trees and if it is for the development in the state, the governor will approve but these people went in an unprocedural way," he explained. 

The police officer added that two logging machines and a motorcycle were confiscated at the crime scene.

2nd Lt. Michael Koko, the Chief Inspector of Police in Ayachi said the illegal loggers were arrested through the cooperation of local youth.

"We were sent by the executive director to confirm but residents there denied and said it was not true. So we came back. But again we got information that the youth of Pajok went to the forest and arrested the loggers. So we went back and found the suspects were already arrested,” he said.

Koko stressed that the order will remain in force and anyone found disobeying it will face the law.

The ban imposed by the state governor cited rampant logging by both individuals and communities present in the counties of Magwi, Torit, and Ikotos. - Radio Tamazuj

The fast growing no fee money transfer service Taptap Send has announced it has launched itsservices to Kenya. This will enable the diaspora in the UK and Europe to send money to their loved ones instantly and affordably straight to Mpesa wallets or bank accounts.

“Taptap Send is on a mission to make remittances to Kenya easier and cheaper in line with the UN sustainable development goal (<3% of total value transferred).

Taptap Send can achieve this with secure technology, online only transactions and community focused marketing. Using word of mouth referrals both by our friends and family in Kenya and influential community leaders is our way of keeping remittance costs down for everyone,” Darryl Abraham, Africa growth director.

Remittance makes up a significant part of Africa’s main source of currency, contributing to above 5% of GDP in 15 African countries.The Central Bank of Kenya notes that on average Kenya received more than 200,000 USD monthly, which reached its peak in June 2020 at 288,544 USD. As a result of the ongoing pandemic, more than ever Africans have leaned into providing support back home through affordable digital finance platforms including Taptap Send.

These remittances help thousands of Kenyan families pay for essential needs such as healthcare, household bills and education. In line with the UN sustainability goal of reducing the cost of transfers to less than 3% of migrant remittance costs by 2030, Taptap Send has since 2018 contributed to this by providing the opportunity for migrants from the UK to send money home within this threshold.

The app is available for download in the UK on the Apple Store and Google play store for free here. New customers can receive an additional £5 on their first send by using the code PRESS. Taptap Send is VC-backed (including by Reid Hoffman), rapidly growing app-based solution that lets immigrants send money back home to emerging markets instantly and at very low prices.

Since launching in summer 2018, Taptap Send has moved tens of millions of dollars and reached hundreds of thousands of customers. Taptap Send is live in seven European countries, supporting payments into Senegal, Mali, Zambia, Guinea, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Cameroon, Kenya, Madagascar, and Bangladesh; with lots more countries launching soon.

Health workers spread information on the prevention of COVID-19 in Kenya. Credit: Victoria Nthenge.

Kenya’s response to the global pandemic has so far been marked by two phases. The first was a rapid but coercive and badly thought-out lockdown that was challenged in court for infringing civil and political liberties.

The second has been the much slower move to procure and distribute vaccines. This current phase also has human rights implications. Both Kenya’s constitution and international law require the state to take effective and prompt steps to protect and promote health. In relation to COVID-19, this includes ensuring vaccines are available, accessible without geographic or economic barriers, culturally acceptable within reason, and of sufficient quality.

This may be an uphill challenge. According to the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) Vaccine Introduction Readiness Assessment Tool, African countries overall record an average score of 33% preparedness for COVID-19 vaccine roll-out against a recommended rate of 80%.

How is Kenya faring, in terms of procurement (“availability”), distribution (“accessibility”) and uptake (“acceptability”)?

Procurement

Kenya requires 30 million doses to vaccinate 60% of its population, as recommended by the global public-private health partnership GAVI. Efforts at procurement, however, have been hindered, first by the Cabinet Secretary for Health’s doubts about the effectiveness of vaccines, and then by the delay in establishing a national taskforce for vaccine deployment until December 2020.

Nonetheless, some progress has been made. Kenya is due to get 24 million doses of the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine through the joint WHO-GAVI COVAX facility, and a further 12 million through bilateral engagements. It also stands to receive 10.8 million of the 270 million doses the African Union (AU) acquired through its African Vaccine Acquisition Task Team (AVATT), though this will be slowed by the need for WHO approval. (A further 400 million doses has been received by the AU but the structure for allocating them between countries has not yet been determined.)

COVAX has promised to deliver the first 4 million doses by the end of February, but beyond that, Kenya has no clear timelines for the delivery of its vaccines. It was set to start receiving the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccines this month, but that plan has been thrown into disarray after the EU banned the export of vaccines produced within its member states.

The situation of scarcity is worsened by the fact that the UK pre-signed contracts that prohibited exports until its domestic needs are met. This vaccine nationalism has given no regard to Kenya’s role in hosting trials of the vaccine. India has similarly blocked exports from its Serum Institute until at least 100 million doses are available for domestic use.

These challenges in accessing the procured Oxford/Astrazeneca vaccines cannot be made up by the Pfizer/BioNTech or the Moderna vaccines as they require storage at -70 degrees Celsius which is not feasible on a mass scale in Kenya.

Distribution

Planning for distribution has been marked by similar delays. It was only on 29 January that Kenya’s Ministry of Health outlined the three phases of its vaccine roll-out. Phase one (February to June 2021) will target 1.25 million health workers, security and immigration officials. Phase two (July 2021 to June 2022) will cover 9.7 million over-50s and over-18s with underlying health conditions. Phase three, run concurrently with phase two, will target 4.9 million vulnerable people such as those in informal settlements.

This broadly reflects WHO guidelines which prioritise groups most at risk. What it neglects are the realities of caring for vulnerable people, which is often done within families and by unpaid women.

The Kenya-Gavi Technical Assistance Plan for 2021 sets out goals for several aspects of the vaccine delivery, but it remains aspirational. Experts warn in particular that failure to prepare for the vaccines’ transport to more remote counties as well as poor storage and administration could undermine preparation efforts.

Inadequacy of personnel and training is also likely to pose a challenge. At the onset of the pandemic,  Kenya’s response was led by “Ebola Champions”: 155 medical practitioners sent to West Africa during the 2016 outbreak there. While this cadre, along with those experienced in the administration of other vaccines, will be invaluable, there has been no specific training in administering the COVID-19 vaccine to date. These shortcomings are compounded by an ongoing strike of healthcare workers in some counties. The unequal distribution of healthcare facilities in the country may also undermine distribution efforts in marginalised areas.

Uptake

These challenges may be compounded by the inability or unwillingness of certain population groups to attend vaccination centres. Poor terrain for travel, a suspicion of state-backed interventions, and the nomadic practices of some rural communities has inhibited the uptake of other vaccines and may do so again. Pastoralists’ movement across international borders may lead them to miss out, while people in areas with high poverty levels may feel they cannot prioritise accessing the vaccine.

Vaccine scepticism is also evident, as it is around the world. In Kenya, faith groups like Kavonokoya and Wakorino have long rejected modern medicine either on grounds of their religious beliefs and their preference for traditional medicine. These communities have resisted strategies such as wearing masks and are likely to refuse the COVID-19 vaccination as they have done with the polio vaccine.

Kenya in the international context

Kenya is not yet ready to deliver vaccines in sufficient quantity to those most at risk or to the population as a whole. While important steps have been taken, earlier government inaction, enduring structural discrimination, and widespread distrust of the state present major challenges.

At the same time, Kenya’s fate has been crucially shaped by the decisions of states and corporate actors in the Global North. The UK, EU and US have all engaged in competitive national procurement strategies with little regard for the needs of vulnerable populations in the Global South. This is not simply a question of realpolitik, tempered by occasional charity in the interests of soft-power and diplomacy. It violates the legal obligation on states to allow each other to realise the right to health in their own territories, as the UN committee has recently emphasised.

Put simply, buying up available supplies and barring their export, as well as enforcing applicable patents in a time of global emergency, amount to vaccine imperialism, inconsistent with a just international order based on human rights.

This article draws from COVID-19 in Kenya: Global Health, Human Rights and the State in a time of Pandemic, a collaborative project involving Cardiff Law and Global Justice, the African Population and Health Research Centre, and the Katiba Institute, funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (UK).

About IEA Media Ltd

Informer East Africa is a UK based diaspora Newspaper. It is a unique platform connecting East Africans at home and abroad through news dissemination. It is a forum to learn together, grow together and get entertained at the same time.

To advertise events or products, get in touch by info [at] informereastafrica [dot] com or call +447957636854.
If you have an issue or a story, get in touch with the editor through editor[at] informereastafrica [dot] com or call +447886544135.

We also accept donations from our supporters. Please click on "donate". Your donations will go along way in supporting the newspaper.

Get in touch

Our Offices

London, UK
+44 7886 544135
editor (@) informereastafrica.com
Slough, UK
+44 7957 636854
info (@) informereastafrica.com

Latest News

New UK Travel Rules: ETA Required for EU Citizens Starting April 2025

New UK Travel Rules:...

Starting from April 2, 2025, citizens of all EU countries, including Bulgaria, will be required to o...

Job creation takes centre-stage at meeting of SADC Ministers of Employment and Labour and Social Partners

Job creation takes c...

SADC Ministers of Employment and Labour and Social Partners held their annual meeting in Victoria Fa...

South Africa: Parliament Wishes All Muslims a Blessed Eid Al-Fitr

South Africa: Parlia...

Ramadan is a sacred month characterised by fasting, prayer, charity, and reaching out to the poor a...

Kalonzo slams Haiti mission as IG Kanja vows to find missing officer

Kalonzo slams Haiti...

Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja, Nairobi Regional Police Commander George Sedah (right) a...

For Advertisement

Big Reach

Informer East Africa is one platform for all people. It is a platform where you find so many professionals under one umbrella serving the African communities together.

Very Flexible

We exist to inform you, hear from you and connect you with what is happening around you. We do this professionally and timely as we endeavour to capture all that you should never miss. Informer East Africa is simply news for right now and the future.

Quality News

We only bring to you news that is verified, checked and follows strict journalistic guidelines and standards. We believe in 1. Objective coverage, 2. Impartiality and 3. Fair play.

Banner & Video Ads

A banner & video advertisement from our sponsors will show up every once in a while. It keeps us and our writers coffee replenished.