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East Africa

By Charles Kyalo

Kenya continues to face significant unemployment challenges, with the unemployment rate estimated at 12.7 percent in 2024. Kenyan youth feel the greatest impact of this unemployment, with youth unemployment soaring to 67 percent. The unemployment crisis in Kenya calls for urgent action, particularly for youth between 15 and 24, whose unemployment rate is 13.4 percent. 

In 2025, projections show a modest rise in general unemployment to 7.23 percent, translating to nearly 1.95 million unemployed people. The social and economic impacts of unemployment in Kenya include poverty, crime, and religious extremism, such as the Shakahola tragedy. To address unemployment, the government should redefine and fully implement the competency-based curriculum (CBC), aligning the CBC with industry needs, fostering entrepreneurship through tax incentives and deregulation, and encouraging public-private partnerships in the manufacturing industry.     

Initiatives that address skills development, job creation, and economic diversification are critical. Unemployment in Kenya and across Africa remains an economic burden on young people and families facing high costs of living. Systemic hurdles, rapid population increases, and inadequate job generation mechanisms are contributing to youth unemployment.

The CBC focuses on developing learners' skills, knowledge, and attitude rather than just academic performance. The CBC emphasizes practical learning, creativity, and problem-solving to prepare students for real-world applications. The government should equip schools with adequate modern infrastructure, and recruit teachers to cover the existing student-to-teacher gap. 

At the tertiary level, the Ministry of Education should work on creating sustainable industry linkages for internships and mentorship programs. These programs offer hands-on experience and contribute to developing curricula aligned with both employers' needs and practical skills for successful self-employment.

Additionally, the government can foster entrepreneurship through tax incentives and deregulation by simplifying business registration, lowering taxes, and establishing accessible funding schemes for young entrepreneurs and startups. Jua Kali, for example, can be boosted by simplifying licensing processes and access to affordable microfinance. 

Financial institutions need to develop startup-specific lending products. Young graduates from vocational centres and tertiary institutions can achieve self-employment by leveraging entrepreneurship incubator programs. Programs targeting university and technical institution students offer business development training and provide minimal viable tools to set up shop. 

Furthermore, regulatory bodies like the Central Bank of Kenya, Business Registration Service of Kenya, and Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) should remove bureaucratic processes and actions limiting small business. As of 2024, KRA has accrued up to 16 billion Kenyan Shillings in unpaid tax refunds. This action undermines Kenya's business-friendly environment, turning away potential investors and costing the country jobs.

The government can apply public-private partnerships (PPPs) in the manufacturing industry. PPPs have great potential to create jobs, support vocational training, and boost local production through export processing zones and industrial parks. The Kenyan government can accelerate growth in infrastructure, industrial development, energy, and healthcare. Leveraging the private sector's expertise, efficiency, and financial resources is key to achieving this growth.

To maximize PPPs, the Kenyan government should ensure transparency, clear accountability frameworks, and promote public involvement in decision-making. Strengthening governance around PPPs can restore public trust and make them a key driver of job creation and economic growth. 

By fully adopting a tailored CBC, Kenya can equip youth for opportunities in manufacturing, production, and self-employment. Policy reviews and investing in people through PPPs will create jobs and promote inclusive economic growth. Charles Kyalo is a writing fellow at African Liberty. 

IEA News

Shelter Afrique Development Bank (ShafDB), a leading Pan-African multilateral development bank committed to financing and advancing housing, urban, and related infrastructure development, has signed a USD 15 million loan agreement with Banque Mauritanienne de l'Investissement (BMI) to finance affordable housing in Mauritania.

This transaction, signed Monday in Nouakchott, Mauritania, is part of the ShafDB's strategy to promote access to decent housing for low- and middle-income populations in Africa, and will strengthen Mauritania's housing finance ecosystem, particularly for under-served populations.

The loan will be used to co-finance the construction of 1,000 homes in the town of ZOUÉRATT and the servicing of 1,000 plots in the commune of TEVRAGH ZEINA for the diaspora and residents.

Commenting on the agreement, Shelter Afrique Development Bank Managing Director Mr Thierno-Habib Hann noted that ShafDB and the BMI shared a similar vision: to help the diaspora and residents of the town of ZOUÉRATT to build their own homes.

"This partnership with BMI will make it possible to offer affordable and decent housing to low-income households, filling part of the 50,000 housing deficit in Mauritania in a context where urbanisation is growing at a rate of 4%," said Mr Hann," said Mr. Hann.

BMI Managing Director Mohamed Yahya Sidi welcomed the agreement, saying his institution was honoured to work with Shelter Afrique Development Bank to finance affordable housing projects in Mauritania.  

"This partnership strengthens our commitment to Mauritania's socio-economic development, broadens our inclusive housing finance solutions, and confirms our support for the country's ambitious urban development programme," said Mr. Sidi.

Through this partnership, it is estimated that around 5,000 jobs will be created, 12,400 people will benefit from the project and 2,000 households will gain access to housing.

Established in 1981 in Lusaka, Zambia, Shelter Afrique Development Bank (ShafDB) is a Pan-African Multilateral Development Bank (MDB) dedicated to promoting and financing sustainable green housing, urban development and related infrastructure. It operates through a shareholding of 44 African governments and two institutional shareholders: African Development Bank (AfDB) and African Reinsurance Corporation (Africa-Re).

The institution is involved in financing housing and related infrastructure across the value chain, both on the demand and supply sides, through its four (4) business lines: Financial Institutions Group (FIG), the Project Finance Group (PFG), the Sovereign and Public-Private partnerships (PPP) Group, and the Fund Management Group (FMG).  

President William Ruto during the cadets commissioning parade at the Kenya Military Academy in Lanet on May 31, 2024. PCS 

President William Ruto has made a raft of changes in Kenya’s military leadership, including the Kenya Army,  and the Kenya Air Force.

In the announcement made on Friday, June 27, by the Ministry of Defence, Ruto promoted Major General David Kipkemboi Ketter to Lieutenant General and appointed him as the Commander Kenya Army.  

Ketter replaced Lieutenant General David Kimaiyo Chemwaina Tarus, who has been redeployed to the National Defence University-Kenya (NDU-K) as the Vice Chancellor.

Before his new appointment as Commander Kenya Army, Lieutenant General Ketter was the Assistant Chief of Defence Forces in charge of Personnel and Logistics.

In addition, the President appointed Major General Benard Waliaula as the Commander Kenya Air Force. Major General Benard Waliaula replaces Major General Fatuma Gaiti Ahmed, whose term of service has come to an end after 42 years of service. 

Until his appointment as Commander Kenya Air Force, Major General Benard Waliaula was the Director of Defence National Security Industries. Additionally, the Head of State promoted and appointed Brigadier Joel Muriungi M'arimi to the rank of Major General and appointed him Commandant Kenya Military Academy. 

Until he was appointed Commandant Kenya Military Academy, he was the Commander Armoured Brigade.

Further, Ruto promoted and appointed Brigadier Joyce Chelang'at Sitienei to the rank of Major General and appointed her Deputy Vice Chancellor, Centre for Strategic and Security Studies at National Defence University -Kenya(NDU-K). Until her promotion and appointment, she was the Director International Peace Support Centre. 

PCS

Further, on the advice of the Defence Council Chaired by Defence Cabinet Secretary Soipan Tuya, the President upheld the Council's recommendations and made various promotions, postings and appointments of Kenya Defence Forces Officers in the Army, Air Force and Navy.

In the Kenya Army, Brigadier Faustino Mancha Lobaly was promoted to Major General and appointed Director of the National Defence Security Industries. Also, Brigadier Charles Lenjo Mwazighe was promoted to Major General and appointed Director International Peace Support Centre.

Other promotions were Brigadier Mohamed Isak Iddi, who was promoted to Major General and appointed Director at the Directorate of Oversight, Compliance and Accountability (DOCA). He was joined by Brigadier Edward Rugendo, who was promoted to Major General and appointed Director of Personnel and Logistics.

Additionally, Brigadier Richard Wambua Mwanzia was promoted to Major General and appointed Senior Directing Staff, Army at the National Defence College. Colonel Said Mohamed Mwacharo was also promoted to Brigadier and appointed Chief of Infrastructure. The last Kenya Army promotion was Colonel Meshack Sinkira Kishoyian, who was promoted to Brigadier and appointed Commander 6 Brigade.

Further, Colonel Victor Waithaka Kang'ethe was promoted to Brigadier and appointed Director National Air Support Department (NASD). The Kenya Air Force promotions were finalised by Colonel Rodah Mkavita Mwasigwa, who was promoted to Brigadier and appointed Chief of Compensation and Welfare at Defence Headquarters. By Walter Ngano, Kenyans.co.ke

Protesters scamper after riot police lob teargas during a past protest, PHOTO/@bernalosh/X

In the wake of violence that marred the June 25 protests, Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen sparked a storm with his directive to police: shoot anyone attempting to storm a station.

He made the remarks on Thursday, June 26, 2025, during a tour of several damaged police facilities. The reaction was swift, jeers, boos, immediate questions. 

But the real issue isn’t his choice of words; it’s the blurred boundary between legal force and lethal overreach.

Legal thresholds, not emotions

To be clear, the chaos was real. Police stations were set ablaze, firearms looted, and officers overwhelmed by organised attacks disguised as protest.

These weren’t symbolic demonstrations, they were targeted strikes on the state’s security nerve centers. But even in the face of such aggression, is a blanket shoot-to-kill order justifiable?

Protesters in Mombasa on June 25, 2025. PHOTO/@reubenmwambingu/X

Kenya’s legal framework offers a measured view. The Sixth Schedule of the National Police Service Act (2011) outlines how and when an officer can use lethal force. 

The instruction is deliberate: attempt non-violent means first. Firearms are a last resort, only when necessary to protect life or in defense against imminent danger.

Even then, the response must be proportional and preceded by a clear warning, unless doing so risks greater harm.

Between law and overreach

The Constitution reinforces these boundaries. Article 26(2) guarantees every individual’s right to life, while Article 238(2) mandates that national security must uphold the rule of law and human rights.

These aren’t theoretical ideals, they are binding standards. When a public official instructs police to bypass those protections without due process, it invites a dangerous culture of impunity.

Murkomen’s statement “Anyone who approaches a police station should be shot” wasn’t simply a lapse in rhetoric.

Ndunyu Njeru Police Station in Nyandarua County, on fire. PHOTO/@Kibet_bull/X

It risked collapsing the nuance between law enforcement and state violence, especially when issued amid heightened tension and emotional grief. 

Public on edge

These directives also endanger the very officers they intend to protect. Police who follow such orders without verifying their legality can be held personally liable.

They risk disciplinary action, lawsuits, or even criminal prosecution for unlawful use of force, regardless of rank or instruction.

Moreover, blanket orders breed fear, mistrust, and retaliation. They erode community cooperation, embolden rogue responses, and shift the security lens from service to suppression.

Kenya must tread carefully. Upholding order should never mean discarding the Constitution. The fight for national stability must include an equally fierce defence of human rights. By William Muthoka, People Daily

South Africa’s sugar industry, which supports over a million livelihoods and underpins the rural economies of KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga, is at risk of being undermined by a flood of artificially cheap, subsidised sugar imports.  Image: Bloomberg

South Africa’s sugar industry, which supports over a million livelihoods and underpins the rural economies of KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga, is at risk of being undermined by a flood of artificially cheap, subsidised sugar imports. These imports are not just distorting the local market – they are jeopardising the survival of small-scale and large sugarcane growers and the thousands of families whose lives depend on them.

SA Canegrowers, which represents 1 200 commercial farmers and 24 000 small-scale growers, has raised the issue with the government, calling for action to raise the import tariff reference price and prevent further damage to an industry already under enormous strain.

It is important to note that cheap imported sugar does not translate to cheaper sugar for retail consumers. Imported sugar ends up on retail shelves at a similar price to locally grown sugar, with inflated profits going to importers of offshore sugar.

South Africa has seen a steady rise in sugar imports over the past year, despite the local sugar industry being able to fully supply the region’s domestic and commercial needs whilst leaving extra to export. In the 2024/25 season, close to 100 000 tons of duty-paid imports sugar entered South Africa, a steep rise from about 25 000 tons in the previous season.

The global sugar market is anything but free or fair. Most major sugar-producing countries protect their growers with extensive subsidies and support mechanisms - sometimes direct, other times hidden in complex support systems. These market distortions allow foreign producers to export sugar at prices far below the actual cost of production.

Brazil is the world’s largest sugar exporter and is able to produce sugar more cheaply than most other countries partly owing to the generous support from government. Brazil’s government further supports the dual-use for sugarcane – both to be produced into edible sugar and other products, and also to produce ethanol for their local fuel industry.  Brazilian sugarcane growers have historically received government support via low-interest loans, fuel blending mandates (for bio-ethanol), and other mechanisms that enable the country to produce sugarcane at scale, cheaply. 

Another major sugar producer is India, where the government has deployed direct subsidies, debt waivers and export subsidies. A number of other major sugar producing countries also deploy various forms of export and/or input subsidies. An export subsidy is a financial incentive provided by a government to domestic producers or exporters to encourage them to sell their goods abroad rather than domestically. Such subsidies help make a country's exports cheaper or more competitive in international markets by offering their product for sale at or below the cost of production, often at the expense of fair global trade.

This means that, without an appropriate import tariff, sugar enters South Africa at a price that is lower than the cost of producing that sugar in the country of origin. This undercuts local growers, who operate without the same level of government support.

As a result, South African sugarcane growers are losing an average of over R7 500 in income for every ton of imported sugar that displaces local product. Should the volume of sugar imports continue on its current trajectory, the industry is facing severe financial strain in a period that already sees growers battered by erratic weather, rising input costs, mill closures, and the sugar tax. By Higgins Mdluli, IOL

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