PLO Lumumba speaks at a panel discussion in Rwanda in May 2023.
Patrick Loch Otieno Lumumba, a Kenyan lawyer with impeccable oratorical skills, was last week unveiled as the new host of Lumumba’s Africa, a TV show that airs on RT, a global TV Station owned by the Russian Government.
In an introductory article authored by Anna Belkina, RT's deputy editor-in-chief and head of communications, the show will deliver a deep and insightful look into the African Continent.
She further indicated that the show is based out of Africa.
"We are also proud to present a new show on RT, based out of Kenya – ‘Lumumba’s Africa’, with Professor P.L.O. Lumumba. The program delivers a deep and insightful look into the matters that are still most salient to Africa as a whole and many of its nations," she explained.
"Professor P.L.O. Lumumba takes his audience on a dramatic and educated tale of African issues like economic development, the colonial legacy, energy, education – and, most vividly, the bright hope for the future of Africa itself."
To promote the show, RT launched an ad campaign running throughout the summer of 2024 in Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe.
In Kenya, billboards with the station's parakeet green logo and faces of African leaders such as the late Milton Obote and Julius Nyerere sprouted across the capital city.
In her article, Belkina noted that RT battled with what she described as pervasive Western mainstream media dominance for nearly two decades.
"America’s CNN and the New York Times, Britain’s BBC and The Guardian have dictated to the likes of Russia, India, South Africa, Indonesia and dozens and dozens of countries what to believe about the world and themselves; who is good and who is bad; what is black and what is white," she wrote.
"I am sure that there will be even more provocative questions that RT will seek to ask in the months to come. Why borrow money from the IMF if your country is rich in natural resources? Do international corporations care more about African people or their own profits? Do European leaders dream about getting their colonies back? Should the West pay reparations for slavery? Why did Nigeria nearly get dragged into a war over US and French interests in neighbouring Niger? Should the US dollar remain the main global reserve currency?"
Lumumba is an advocate of the High Court of Kenya and Tanzania as well as the Director of The Kenya School of Laws since the year 2014.
He holds a Bachelor of Laws, Master of Laws, and a PhD in the Laws of the Sea at the University of Ghent in Belgium. By Derrick Okubasu, Kenyans.co.ke
Gender CS nominee Stella Soi Lang'at appearing before parliamentarians on August 4, 2024, during vetting.[Elvis Ogina, Standard]
Gender Cabinet Secretary nominee Stella Soi Lang'at states that her net worth currently stands at Sh70 million. Her net worth includes homes, land, cows, avocado orchards, shares, and securities.
While appearing before parliamentarians on Sunday during vetting, Lang’at said her 29 years in public service would be crucial in helping her serve in the Gender docket.
Some of the ministries Lang'at has served include; State Department of Public Service and the Labour Department. She was also part of the team that established the State Department of Gender in 2004.
The nominee has served in various regions, including Nyanza, Eastern, and South Rift Valley. Notably, Lang'at mentioned her involvement in activities that ensured girls were protected from retrogressive cultural practices in Bomet County.
"Those experiences have helped me build resilience and interact with environments where GBV is rampant and interventions are needed to strengthen the fight against GBV," she said.
Lang’at further noted that female genital mutilation (FGM) and early marriages were more common in communities where poverty was widespread.
"So, to address the challenges of FGM and early marriages we need to address poverty in our communities by empowering men and women and more the men." By Stephanie Wangari, The Standard
The Commonwealth Secretary-General, the Rt Hon Patricia Scotland KC, and the Chairman of the Prime Minister's Youth Programme, Rana Mashood Ahmad Khan, announced three new initiatives, designed to broaden and deepen youth participation in development and decision-making.
The three initiatives contribute to the mandates from the 2023 Commonwealth Youth Ministers Meeting and the Commonwealth Youth Ministerial Taskforce, which Pakistan currently chairs.
The first initiative, the Commonwealth Asia Youth Alliance, will have its Secretariat in Pakistan. The alliance will bring together national youth councils from eight Commonwealth Asian countries, providing them a platform to engage in international dialogues, leadership opportunities and training courses.
The second initiative, the Commonwealth Youth Parliamentarian Forum, will offer all young Commonwealth legislators opportunities to hone their leadership skills, exchange good practices with their peers and amplify their voices on pressing issues.
The third initiative, an Artificial Intelligence (AI) Centre for Youth, will offer self-paced Intel-certified training courses to young people, enabling them to gain job-ready skills in emerging technologies.
Speaking at the launch ceremony, the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was in Pakistan for her first official visit, said:
"With more than 60 per cent of the Commonwealth's population under the age of 30, our future undeniably rests in the hands of our young people.
"In Pakistan and across the Commonwealth, our young people are brimming with innovation and imagination.
"However, they often lack the opportunities to make meaningful contributions to the social, economic, and political development of their countries.
"We are thrilled that Pakistan, as the chair of the Commonwealth Youth Ministerial Taskforce, is facilitating new initiatives designed to inspire positive change and drive transformative progress for young people in Pakistan and across the Commonwealth."
During her first visit, the Secretary-General met with President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, cabinet ministers, National Assembly Speaker, Attorney General, youth leaders, Commonwealth high commissioners and other key stakeholders.
In her engagements, she reaffirmed Commonwealth solidarity with Pakistan on the second anniversary of the devastating 2022 floods.
Discussions covered Pakistan's work on the Sustainable Development Goals as well as ways to strengthen Commonwealth relationships and broaden ongoing collaboration, especially in empowering youth, tackling climate change, promoting good governance, upholding the rule of law and leveraging AI.
Whilst in Islamabad, the Secretary-General also launched the 'Peace at the Crease' initiative in partnership with the Zalmi Foundation.
The initiative builds on the unique power of sport to bring young people from different backgrounds together to promote Commonwealth values, such as peace, tolerance and equality.
In addition, the Secretary-General delivered keynote addresses at the National University of Science and Technology and the Pakistan Institute of Parliamentary Services on the role of young people in climate change and social innovation.
Ahead of her departure, Secretary-General Patricia Scotland said:
"As a founding member of the Commonwealth, Pakistan has a unique and special role within our family.
"The commitment to achieving the Paris Climate Agreement goals in Pakistan was palpable, not least because the residual effects of the 2022 floods were still apparent and fresh in the minds of all. We need to act now.
"Pakistan's fragile position underlines why the Commonwealth's determination to secure climate justice for those so disproportionately affected is justified and why we need a Universal Vulnerability Index."
The Secretary-General was in Pakistan from 28 July 2024 to 2 August 2024.
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The prime minister’s due to hold an emergency response meeting later – called a Cobra meeting – following a weekend of unrest in parts of the UK.
Police responded to violent scenes in Rotherham, Middlesbrough and Bolton on Sunday alone – with more than 150 people known to have been arrested.
In a televised address yesterday, Keir Starmer said “people in this country have a right to be safe, and yet we’ve seen Muslim communities targeted, attacks on mosques”.
It all follows a stabbing attack in Southport last week, which left three children (aged six, seven and nine) dead. Five others were injured, along with two adults. False claims followed that the suspect – a 17-year-old born in Cardiff to Rwandan partners – was a refugee who arrived in the UK by boat in 2023 and unfounded speculation he was Muslim.
The boy, Axel Muganwa Rudakubana, has been charged with three counts of murder, 10 of attempted murder and one count of possessing a bladed article and is remanded in youth custody.
In the heart of Somaliland, a nation once known for its resilience and unity, stands a leadership plagued by division, conflict, and a disregard for the well-being of its people. President Muse Behi, at the helm of the Kulmiye Party, has presided over a turbulent era marked by escalating tensions, failed governance, and a loss of control over regions like Sool and Sanaag. As the upcoming presidential election looms on November 13, 2024, it is crucial for voters to reflect on the impact of Behi's rule and consider the future of their nation.
One of the primary reasons for the failure of Bihi's administration lies in the lack of strategic governance. The inability to effectively manage and control territories like Las Anod and parts of Sool and Eastern Sanaag has exposed a significant governance gap, leading to unrest and instability in these regions and ultimately formed their own separate autonomy.
The mismanagement of resources under Bihi's leadership has further exacerbated the challenges faced by Somaliland. The failure to allocate resources efficiently and effectively has hindered the development and progress of the region, contributing to discontent among the populace.
The escalating unrest and discontent within Somaliland, especially in areas like Sool, Togdheer, Awdal, and Sanaag, are a direct result of the administration's failure to address the grievances of the population. The lack of inclusive governance and meaningful dialogue has fuelled tensions and undermined stability in the region.
The security concerns arising from the mismanagement of territories pose a significant threat to the overall stability of Somaliland. The failure to assert control and address security challenges has heightened the risk of conflict and further destabilization.
Bihi's administration has witnessed a gradual erosion of public trust due to perceived failures in governance and leadership. The inability to deliver on promises and effectively address pressing issues has weakened the confidence of the populace in the government.
The ineffective implementation of policies and strategies under Bihi's leadership has hindered the progress and development of Somaliland. The lack of coherent and sustainable policies has impeded growth and prosperity, leading to widespread disillusionment among the population.
The communication failures of the administration in addressing the concerns of the populace have further exacerbated the challenges faced by Somaliland. The lack of transparency and accountability has fuelled mistrust and hindered effective governance.
The economic instability resulting from the mismanagement of resources and lack of strategic planning has had far-reaching consequences for Somaliland. The failure to
stimulate economic growth and create opportunities has perpetuated poverty and hindered prosperity in the region.
The administration's handling of human rights concerns, especially in conflict-affected areas, has been a point of contention. Between December 2017 and December 2018, 28 journalists were arrested, although only 10 were prosecuted, and all those detained were ultimately released.
The failure to uphold human rights principles and protect vulnerable population has raised alarms among international observers and human rights organizations. The escalation and failures of Bihi's administration have had implications for Somaliland's
international reputation. The inability to address internal challenges and conflicts has tarnished the region's image on the global stage, undermining efforts towards recognition and legitimacy.
Tensions in Borama, Awdal Region, highlight growing discontent against Muse Behi's government. Mohamed Abib, an MP from Awdal, faced government efforts to strip his
parliamentary immunity due to his remarks on justice and representation. His supporters in Borama, chanting “Down with Muse,” protested vigorously, reflecting also with deep-seated grievances and calls for justice after the death of Commander Aynanshe and other local issues. The strong support for Abib underscores the broader regional dissatisfaction with the Behi's government actions and policies.
The Bihi administration's struggles extend beyond LasAnod, with a notable inability to address the recurring conflicts in the Togdheer region. Clan tensions have resurfaced,exacerbated by government inaction. The recent violence in the Ali Sahid area highlights the dire consequences of neglecting these deeply rooted conflicts. While scholars and clan leaders have managed to mediate and restore peace temporarily, the underlying issues remain unaddressed, leaving the potential for future unrest simmering just beneath the surface if not resolved the root causes.
Similarly, the Sanaag region has witnessed an uptick in localized skirmishes, as the administration's inability to address underlying grievances has allowed these simmering
disputes to boil over. The lack of a comprehensive conflict resolution strategy has exacerbated the situation, leaving communities vulnerable and distrustful of the
government's capacity to maintain peace and security.
The perception of favouritism and nepotism in resource allocation has further complicated the landscape of governance under Behi. The accusations of selective treatment and inequitable development have only served to deepen societal divisions, fostering resentment among vulnerable communities.
This favouritism undermines the very principles of democracy and equity, leaving many feeling disenfranchised and disillusioned. In a nation built on the pillars of unity and cooperation, the lack of fair representation is a dangerous precedent that could threaten the social cohesion necessary for progress.
Moreover, the economic instability and high inflation rates that have persisted under Bihi's leadership have disproportionately impacted the livelihoods of communities in the conflict-affected areas. The inability to provide basic services and economic opportunities has exacerbated the grievances and sense of abandonment felt by these populations, further undermining the government's legitimacy.
The Behi administration has been criticized for the mounting casualties and injuries sustained by the Somaliland armed forces, particularly in the context of the escalating
conflict in Lasanod and the broader regional tensions. Under Behi's presidency, Somaliland has reportedly lost control over most parts of Sool and Sanaag regions, now in the hands of other entities, signalling a worrying trend of territorial losses.
The Behi government has been accused of fostering an environment of injustice, discrimination, and nepotism, which has eroded public trust and confidence in the
administration. The Behi administration faces growing criticism regarding pervasive corruption and a lack of accountability within government agencies.
The failure to uphold ethical standards erodes public trust and perpetuates a culture of impunity. When citizens perceive their leaders as self-serving rather than public servants, the foundations of governance begin to crumble, leading to a disenchanted populace reluctant to engage with the political process.
This corruption not only hampers development but also poses a significant barrier to achieving the transparency and accountability that the people of Somaliland deserve.
The lack of economic opportunities and the bleak prospects for young people in Somaliland have contributed to a growing sense of disillusionment with Behi's leadership.
The failure to address the persistent high inflation rates has had a detrimental impact on the living standards of the most vulnerable segments of the Somaliland population.
The Behi administration's inability to effectively navigate Somaliland's external relations and maintain positive diplomatic ties has undermined the country's standing on the global stage.
The economic stagnation and the prospect of financial collapse under Behi's tenure represent a stark contrast to the relative prosperity and growth seen under previous
administrations. The failure of the Kulmiye Party, led by Behi, to deliver on its political program promises has eroded public confidence and trust in the ruling party.
The Behi administration's handling of regional and clan-based conflicts has contributed to the deepening of societal divisions and fragmentation within Somaliland.
The president's actions have been accused of stoking political conflicts that have brought the country to the brink of a potential disintegration. Allegations of mismanagement and improper land transactions, including the auctioning of public lands, have further fuelled public discontent.
The Behi administration's perceived contempt for the rule of law and its failure to ensure accountability have undermined the foundations of Somaliland's democratic institutions.
The upcoming November 2024 presidential election in Somaliland presents a critical juncture for the country, as voters will have the opportunity to chart a new course and reject the continued rule of President Behi.
The path forward requires a renewed commitment to inclusive governance, conflict resolution, and equitable development that can heal the divisions and restore the unity that has long been the cornerstone of Somaliland's progress.
As Somaliland approaches this pivotal moment, the electorate must evaluate the Bihi administration's record and determine whether a change in leadership is necessary to
address the multitude of challenges facing the nation. The call to action is clear: reject the continuation of Behi's brutal system of governance, vote against his re-election, and pave the way for a new chapter of hope, stability, and progress.
Together, we have the power to shape our nation's destiny. Let us choose unity over division, hope over despair, and progress over stagnation. The time for change is now, and the future of Somaliland lies in the hands of its people. Opinion remains the writers
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