In a recent opinion piece published by Radio Tamazuj titled “Kiir and Museveni’s Coordinated Effort to Silence Riek Machar,” writer Duop Chak Wuol depicts political suppression, covert security plots, and authoritarian consolidation orchestrated by President Salva Kiir in collaboration with Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni. While the article raises legitimate concerns about South Sudan’s political trajectory, it dangerously veers into a familiar and troubling narrative: ethnic retaliation.
Duop warns that if Dr. Riek Machar is harmed or permanently side-lined from South Sudan’s political arena, there will be “retaliation from the Nuer community” lasting “decades, if not centuries.” This assertion is not only vague and alarmist—it is fundamentally flawed, dangerous, and historically misleading.
First, let us be clear: The power struggle between President Kiir and Dr. Machar is political, not ethnic. These men are not proxies for the Dinka and Nuer communities; they are political figures with diverse support bases. Many Dinka support Dr. Machar, just as many Nuer back President Kiir. Both leaders have faced dissent from within their own ethnic groups over the years.
To reduce Machar to a “Nuer leader” ignores the many Nuers who reject his ideology and oppose his leadership. Similarly, equating Kiir’s political missteps with the entire Dinka community is intellectually lazy and morally dangerous. Political identity must not be conflated with ethnic identity. South Sudanese—whether Nuer, Dinka, Bari, Shilluk, or Zande—are not mere extensions of their ethnic elites. They are individuals with agency, political opinions, and a shared stake in national stability.
Duop’s framing of “Nuer retaliation” overlooks a painful truth: Ethnic violence in South Sudan has rarely targeted those directly responsible for political actions. Instead, it has disproportionately harmed innocent civilians—women, children, the elderly, farmers, and traders—who bear no influence over high-level decisions.
The December 2013 crisis, sparked by political disagreements among elites, swiftly descended into ethnic slaughter. The lesson? When political grievances are framed as ethnic grievances, communities turn against each other. Retaliation becomes collective punishment. That is not justice—it is tragedy.
To echo “Nuer retaliation” as a looming threat borders on incitement. It reinforces tribal divisions, fuels “us versus them” thinking, and undermines the national unity South Sudan desperately needs. Our nation cannot afford another ethnic war fueled by political manipulation and media sensationalism.
Let us not forget: The Dinka and Nuer are brothers. Our cultural ties, intermarriages, and historical alliances run deep. Political manipulation—not inherent ethnic rivalry—has pitted these siblings against each other. Writers who perpetuate ethnic binaries erase our rich history of coexistence and shared struggle.
We must resist stereotyping entire communities based on politicians’ actions. This crisis is a national issue, not a Dinka-versus-Nuer showdown. Dinka are not Kiir. Nuer are not Machar. Both communities suffer under the same failed governance, collapsed healthcare, underfunded schools, floods, and hunger.
Duop’s claim that the Nuer will rise to defend Machar is not only divisive—it is counterproductive. It alienates Dinka advocates calling for Machar’s release and implies only Nuers care about his freedom. Such rhetoric hardens tribal lines and weakens cross-ethnic solidarity in holding leaders—Kiir or Machar—accountable.
Many Dinka oppose Machar’s house arrest, publicly and privately. Some Dinka politicians, per Duop’s own sources, have even leaked intelligence about Kiir’s plans. To omit their resistance is inaccurate and damaging.
Duop appeals to the international community to act pre-emptively. However noble this sounds, it is illusory. The “international community” is not a unified moral force but a collection of self-interested states prioritizing geopolitical stability and resource access over African lives.
Need proof? Look at Gaza. Thousands of civilians—including children—are killed with impunity as powerful Western nations look away or make excuses. Why expect better for South Sudan? If Kiir serves Western interests in oil, security, or minerals, even Machar’s detention or death may barely ripple through embassies.
We, the South Sudanese, must stop outsourcing our protection and future to international whims. Our fate depends on unity, vigilance, and resistance to division.
Machar deserves due process and protection. If his life or political rights are threatened, all South Sudanese—regardless of tribe—should be concerned. But this cannot be framed as a “Nuer cause.” It must be a national cause.
We must rally all South Sudanese—Dinka, Nuer, Equatorians, and others—to defend political freedom, demand transparency, and hold leaders accountable. Our politics must mature beyond bloodlines. If Machar is endangered, every patriot should care—just as Nuers would (and should) protest if Kiir were threatened, not out of tribal loyalty but for justice.
Let us reject ethnicized politics and retaliation narratives. Let us build a civic identity transcending tribe and realize the dream of a united South Sudan.
The real threat to our future is neither the Dinka nor the Nuer. It is the corrupt political elites who divide us to survive. Let us not help them succeed.
The writer, Mading Peter Angong, is a South Sudanese development practitioner, educator, and civic advocate. He writes on governance, education, and peacebuilding in South Sudan. By Mading Peter Angong, Radio Tamazuj